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• 21. [Article] Willamette Mission archeological project : phase III assessment

  The Willamette Mission archeological project consists of a broad program of cultural research in the fields of archeology, history, and architecture. The study focuses on the first Methodist mission in ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Willamette Mission archeological project : phase III assessment Author: Chapman, Judith Sanders The Willamette Mission archeological project consists of a broad program of cultural research in the fields of archeology, history, and architecture. The study focuses on the first Methodist mission in the Pacific Northwest. Archeological excavations were conducted in 1980 to locate the site of the mission, to assess the site's internal integrity, and to analyze the material content remaining from the 1830s occupation. Historical documentation provided the archeologists with necessary information on the general location, spatial living pattern, time frame and material culture of the mission occupants. Archeological data provided additional information on the location and spatial arrangement of the mission complex; the date range and the form and function of recovered artifacts; a behavioral concept of mission lifestyle; and the processes of abandonment of the mission complex in the historic period. The role of the mission enterprise within the general context of Oregon development is explored. The founders of the mission colony were not intent on accomplishing their task of "civilizing" the local Native American population in a brief visit. The missionaries brought to the Oregon country their families, personal possessions, furnishings, goods, equipment, and construction materials. They built shelters, farmed, operated a mercantile business, taught school, held services, and performed essential mechanical duties. The geographic isolation of the mission, and the missionaries response to the new environment, are reflected in the archeological record. The architectural plan and featuring of the mission house points to a use of traditional log shelter construction techniques. These techniques involved the incorporation of native construction fabric with cottage made or imported joining materials. An inadequate response to the environment is evidenced by the erection of the mission house on a Willamette River floodplain. This error in reasoning as well as visions of expansion triggered a move from the complex to present Salem after a seven-year occupation. The materials items recovered from the site reflect a material culture brought to the new country from the United States. An independency from the British Hudson Bay Company is inferred. A contradiction between the hardships of remote log cabin living and stringent missionary duties, and the retainment of New England social attitudes and customs is evident. Important to areal archeological research and settlement studies are the implications behind the presence of the American missionaries and their goods in the Willamette Valley. Enlightened information on goods available during the Northwest frontier period can be useful in deciphering early trade networks, and avenues of cultural exchange and influence. The missionaries' inducement toward the promotion of American jurisdiction and settlement in the Oregon country was significant. The success of the missionaries as colonizers cannot be overstated considering the impact of the colony on the course of political, spiritual, social and economic development of the region. Title: Willamette Mission archeological project : phase III assessment Author: Chapman, Judith Sanders The Willamette Mission archeological project consists of a broad program of cultural research in the fields of archeology, history, and architecture. The study focuses on the first Methodist mission in the Pacific Northwest. Archeological excavations were conducted in 1980 to locate the site of the mission, to assess the site's internal integrity, and to analyze the material content remaining from the 1830s occupation. Historical documentation provided the archeologists with necessary information on the general location, spatial living pattern, time frame and material culture of the mission occupants. Archeological data provided additional information on the location and spatial arrangement of the mission complex; the date range and the form and function of recovered artifacts; a behavioral concept of mission lifestyle; and the processes of abandonment of the mission complex in the historic period. The role of the mission enterprise within the general context of Oregon development is explored. The founders of the mission colony were not intent on accomplishing their task of "civilizing" the local Native American population in a brief visit. The missionaries brought to the Oregon country their families, personal possessions, furnishings, goods, equipment, and construction materials. They built shelters, farmed, operated a mercantile business, taught school, held services, and performed essential mechanical duties. The geographic isolation of the mission, and the missionaries response to the new environment, are reflected in the archeological record. The architectural plan and featuring of the mission house points to a use of traditional log shelter construction techniques. These techniques involved the incorporation of native construction fabric with cottage made or imported joining materials. An inadequate response to the environment is evidenced by the erection of the mission house on a Willamette River floodplain. This error in reasoning as well as visions of expansion triggered a move from the complex to present Salem after a seven-year occupation. The materials items recovered from the site reflect a material culture brought to the new country from the United States. An independency from the British Hudson Bay Company is inferred. A contradiction between the hardships of remote log cabin living and stringent missionary duties, and the retainment of New England social attitudes and customs is evident. Important to areal archeological research and settlement studies are the implications behind the presence of the American missionaries and their goods in the Willamette Valley. Enlightened information on goods available during the Northwest frontier period can be useful in deciphering early trade networks, and avenues of cultural exchange and influence. The missionaries' inducement toward the promotion of American jurisdiction and settlement in the Oregon country was significant. The success of the missionaries as colonizers cannot be overstated considering the impact of the colony on the course of political, spiritual, social and economic development of the region. Close

• 22. [Article] Willamette Mission archeological project : phase III assessment

  The Willamette Mission archeological project consists of a broad program of cultural research in the fields of archeology, history, and architecture. The study focuses on the first Methodist mission in ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Willamette Mission archeological project : phase III assessment Author: Weber, Mary K. (Mary Kathryn) The Willamette Mission archeological project consists of a broad program of cultural research in the fields of archeology, history, and architecture. The study focuses on the first Methodist mission in the Pacific Northwest. Archeological excavations were conducted in 1980 to locate the site of the mission, to assess the site's internal integrity, and to analyze the material content remaining from the 1830s occupation. Historical documentation provided the archeologists with necessary information on the general location, spatial living pattern, time frame and material culture of the mission occupants. Archeological data provided additional information on the location and spatial arrangement of the mission complex; the date range and the form and function of recovered artifacts; a behavioral concept of mission lifestyle; and the processes of abandonment of the mission complex in the historic period. The role of the mission enterprise within the general context of Oregon development is explored. The founders of the mission colony were not intent on accomplishing their task of "civilizing" the local Native American population in a brief visit. The missionaries brought to the Oregon country their families, personal possessions, furnishings, goods, equipment, and construction materials. They built shelters, farmed, operated a mercantile business, taught school, held services, and performed essential mechanical duties. The geographic isolation of the mission, and the missionaries response to the new environment, are reflected in the archeological record. The architectural plan and featuring of the mission house points to a use of traditional log shelter construction techniques. These techniques involved the incorporation of native construction fabric with cottage made or imported joining materials. An inadequate response to the environment is evidenced by the erection of the mission house on a Willamette River floodplain. This error in reasoning as well as visions of expansion triggered a move from the complex to present Salem after a seven-year occupation. The materials items recovered from the site reflect a material culture brought to the new country from the United States. An independency from the British Hudson Bay Company is inferred. A contradiction between the hardships of remote log cabin living and stringent missionary duties, and the retainment of New England social attitudes and customs is evident. Important to areal archeological research and settlement studies are the implications behind the presence of the American missionaries and their goods in the Willamette Valley. Enlightened information on goods available during the Northwest frontier period can be useful in deciphering early trade networks, and avenues of cultural exchange and influence. The missionaries' inducement toward the promotion of American jurisdiction and settlement in the Oregon country was significant. The success of the missionaries as colonizers cannot be overstated considering the impact of the colony on the course of political, spiritual, social and economic development of the region. Title: Willamette Mission archeological project : phase III assessment Author: Weber, Mary K. (Mary Kathryn) The Willamette Mission archeological project consists of a broad program of cultural research in the fields of archeology, history, and architecture. The study focuses on the first Methodist mission in the Pacific Northwest. Archeological excavations were conducted in 1980 to locate the site of the mission, to assess the site's internal integrity, and to analyze the material content remaining from the 1830s occupation. Historical documentation provided the archeologists with necessary information on the general location, spatial living pattern, time frame and material culture of the mission occupants. Archeological data provided additional information on the location and spatial arrangement of the mission complex; the date range and the form and function of recovered artifacts; a behavioral concept of mission lifestyle; and the processes of abandonment of the mission complex in the historic period. The role of the mission enterprise within the general context of Oregon development is explored. The founders of the mission colony were not intent on accomplishing their task of "civilizing" the local Native American population in a brief visit. The missionaries brought to the Oregon country their families, personal possessions, furnishings, goods, equipment, and construction materials. They built shelters, farmed, operated a mercantile business, taught school, held services, and performed essential mechanical duties. The geographic isolation of the mission, and the missionaries response to the new environment, are reflected in the archeological record. The architectural plan and featuring of the mission house points to a use of traditional log shelter construction techniques. These techniques involved the incorporation of native construction fabric with cottage made or imported joining materials. An inadequate response to the environment is evidenced by the erection of the mission house on a Willamette River floodplain. This error in reasoning as well as visions of expansion triggered a move from the complex to present Salem after a seven-year occupation. The materials items recovered from the site reflect a material culture brought to the new country from the United States. An independency from the British Hudson Bay Company is inferred. A contradiction between the hardships of remote log cabin living and stringent missionary duties, and the retainment of New England social attitudes and customs is evident. Important to areal archeological research and settlement studies are the implications behind the presence of the American missionaries and their goods in the Willamette Valley. Enlightened information on goods available during the Northwest frontier period can be useful in deciphering early trade networks, and avenues of cultural exchange and influence. The missionaries' inducement toward the promotion of American jurisdiction and settlement in the Oregon country was significant. The success of the missionaries as colonizers cannot be overstated considering the impact of the colony on the course of political, spiritual, social and economic development of the region. Close

• 23. [Article] Indians and Criminal Justice in Early Oregon, 1842-1859

  Indian-white relations in early Oregon are often viewed in terms of warfare and treatymaking, but these are only the most obvious aspects of a larger struggle to resolve cultural conflicts, settle land ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Indians and Criminal Justice in Early Oregon, 1842-1859 Author: Ferrell, John Samuel Year: 1973 Indian-white relations in early Oregon are often viewed in terms of warfare and treatymaking, but these are only the most obvious aspects of a larger struggle to resolve cultural conflicts, settle land disputes, and establish order in a new territory. Additional understanding of both white attitudes toward Indians and of Indian exasperation with the settlers may be gained from a study of how criminal justice applied to the red man during the turbulent pre-reservation era. Prior to the coming of America settlers, Oregon Indians knew the justice of the Hudson's Bay Company. In dealing with personas accused of harming HBC personnel or property, Dr. John McLoughlin acted with firmness and persistence while taking cognizance of the Indian's own ideas of just treatment, The American leaders of later years sometimes imitated McLoughlin's firmness but failed to recognize the importance of Indian tradition. Dr. Elijah White, after bring appointed the first U.S. Indian agent for Oregon in 1842, presented the natives with a law code which largely ignored their own traditions and confused them by making major offenses of what had formerly been viewed as minor infractions. Dr. White assured his charges that the new law code came from God and was recognized by all civilized nations. A similar smugness was apparent in later leaders who were convinced that the court proceedings against Indian troublemakers could not help but make a deep and beneficial impression on the defendants' fellow tribesman. Such assurance sometimes blinded the whites to inequities in their application of justice to Indian-white disputes and this blindness contributed to friction between the races. Criminal justice for Indians was a more complex matter during Oregon's territorial period than it had been during the HBC era. To the Indians, the British had been trading partners, but the Americans were dispossessors. A sizable influx of settlers preceded the signing of the Indian treaties, and the presence of two divergent cultures on the same disputed ground made necessary some means of dealing with the disagreements which inevitably arose. But civil officials, army officers, judges, and Indian agents were still working out their respective spheres of influence while new settlers might be many miles away from any hands. The belief expressed by leading figures in the army and the Indian Bureau that whites were to blame for outbreaks of violence did not encourage irate settlers or miners to rely on these agencies to settle disputes with Indians, and citizens' courts, minors' committees, or indiscriminate reprisals were often only forms of "justice" employed. Indians noted the infrequencies of prosecution for whites who committed crimes against them and complained that the whites had one set of laws for themselves and another for the red man, Adverse public opinion worked against the efforts of Indian superintendent Joel Palmer to correct this grievance, and lawyers sometimes questioned whether Indian were, in fact, "persons" or whether their mistreatment could constitute a crime. Even Dick Johnson, a successful Indian farmer who abandoned his native culture and won the support of Palmer and of Jesse Applegate in his efforts to model his life on white men's ideals, had so little legal identity that his suspected murderers were not tried and one of them was allowed to take his farm. Segregation of land and of peoples was the distraction in which both the law and public opinion pointed in Oregon Territory. Consciously and unconsciously, whites encouraged Indians to accept a reservation solution to the problems generated by land-hunger and culture clash, and among these problems legal discrimination and vigilante justice figured prominently. Hatred of the Indians among many of the settlers contributed substantially to distortion and non-application of criminal justice, but even with favorable public opinion, as in the case of Dick Johnson, the law itself was insufficient for an Indian who did not remove himself from white society and accept the treaty protections of the reservation. Title: Indians and Criminal Justice in Early Oregon, 1842-1859 Author: Ferrell, John Samuel Year: 1973 Indian-white relations in early Oregon are often viewed in terms of warfare and treatymaking, but these are only the most obvious aspects of a larger struggle to resolve cultural conflicts, settle land disputes, and establish order in a new territory. Additional understanding of both white attitudes toward Indians and of Indian exasperation with the settlers may be gained from a study of how criminal justice applied to the red man during the turbulent pre-reservation era. Prior to the coming of America settlers, Oregon Indians knew the justice of the Hudson's Bay Company. In dealing with personas accused of harming HBC personnel or property, Dr. John McLoughlin acted with firmness and persistence while taking cognizance of the Indian's own ideas of just treatment, The American leaders of later years sometimes imitated McLoughlin's firmness but failed to recognize the importance of Indian tradition. Dr. Elijah White, after bring appointed the first U.S. Indian agent for Oregon in 1842, presented the natives with a law code which largely ignored their own traditions and confused them by making major offenses of what had formerly been viewed as minor infractions. Dr. White assured his charges that the new law code came from God and was recognized by all civilized nations. A similar smugness was apparent in later leaders who were convinced that the court proceedings against Indian troublemakers could not help but make a deep and beneficial impression on the defendants' fellow tribesman. Such assurance sometimes blinded the whites to inequities in their application of justice to Indian-white disputes and this blindness contributed to friction between the races. Criminal justice for Indians was a more complex matter during Oregon's territorial period than it had been during the HBC era. To the Indians, the British had been trading partners, but the Americans were dispossessors. A sizable influx of settlers preceded the signing of the Indian treaties, and the presence of two divergent cultures on the same disputed ground made necessary some means of dealing with the disagreements which inevitably arose. But civil officials, army officers, judges, and Indian agents were still working out their respective spheres of influence while new settlers might be many miles away from any hands. The belief expressed by leading figures in the army and the Indian Bureau that whites were to blame for outbreaks of violence did not encourage irate settlers or miners to rely on these agencies to settle disputes with Indians, and citizens' courts, minors' committees, or indiscriminate reprisals were often only forms of "justice" employed. Indians noted the infrequencies of prosecution for whites who committed crimes against them and complained that the whites had one set of laws for themselves and another for the red man, Adverse public opinion worked against the efforts of Indian superintendent Joel Palmer to correct this grievance, and lawyers sometimes questioned whether Indian were, in fact, "persons" or whether their mistreatment could constitute a crime. Even Dick Johnson, a successful Indian farmer who abandoned his native culture and won the support of Palmer and of Jesse Applegate in his efforts to model his life on white men's ideals, had so little legal identity that his suspected murderers were not tried and one of them was allowed to take his farm. Segregation of land and of peoples was the distraction in which both the law and public opinion pointed in Oregon Territory. Consciously and unconsciously, whites encouraged Indians to accept a reservation solution to the problems generated by land-hunger and culture clash, and among these problems legal discrimination and vigilante justice figured prominently. Hatred of the Indians among many of the settlers contributed substantially to distortion and non-application of criminal justice, but even with favorable public opinion, as in the case of Dick Johnson, the law itself was insufficient for an Indian who did not remove himself from white society and accept the treaty protections of the reservation. Close

• 24. [Article] Exploring Colonization and Ethnogenesis through an Analysis of the Flaked Glass Tools of the Lower Columbia Chinookans and Fur Traders

  At the end of the 18th century, Anglo Americans and Europeans entered the mouth of the Columbia River for the first time. There they encountered large villages of Chinookan and other Native Americans. ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Exploring Colonization and Ethnogenesis through an Analysis of the Flaked Glass Tools of the Lower Columbia Chinookans and Fur Traders Author: Simmons, Stephanie Catherine Year: 2014 At the end of the 18th century, Anglo Americans and Europeans entered the mouth of the Columbia River for the first time. There they encountered large villages of Chinookan and other Native Americans. Soon afterwards, the Chinookan People became involved in the global fur trade. Pelts, supplies, and native made goods were exchanged with fur traders, who in return provided Chinookans with a number of trade goods. Over the next 40 years, life changed greatly for the Chinookans; new trade and political alliances were created, foreign goods were introduced, and diseases killed large portions of the population (Hajda 1984; Gibson 1992; Schwantes 1996; Boyd 2011; Boyd et al. 2013). Additionally, fur trade forts, like the Hudson's Bay Company's (HBC) Fort Vancouver, were established. At these forts, new multiethnic communities were created to support the fur trade economy (Hussey 1957; Kardas 1971; Warner and Munnik 1972; Erigero 1992; Burley 1997; Mackie 1997; Wilson 2010). This thesis is an historical archaeological study of how Chinookan peoples at three villages and employees of the later multicultural Village at Fort Vancouver negotiated the processes of contact and colonization. Placed in the theoretical framework of practice theory, everyday ordinary activities are studied to understand how cultural identities are created, reinforced, and changed (Lightfoot et al. 1998; Martindale 2009; Voss 2008). Additionally uneven power relationships are examined, in this case between the colonizer and the colonized, which could lead to subjugation but also resistance (Silliman 2001). In order to investigate these issues, this thesis studies how the new foreign material of vessel glass was and was not used during the everyday practice of tool production. Archaeological studies have found that vessel glass, which has physical properties similar to obsidian, was used to create a variety of tool forms by cultures worldwide (Conte and Romero 2008). Modified glass studies (Harrison 2003; Martindale and Jurakic 2006) have demonstrated that they can contribute important new insights into how cultures negotiated colonization. In this study, modified glass tools from three contact period Chinookan sites: Cathlapotle, Meier, and Middle Village, and the later multiethnic Employee Village of Fort Vancouver were examined. Glass tool and debitage analysis based on lithic macroscopic analytical techniques was used to determine manufacturing techniques, tool types, and functions. Additionally, these data were compared to previous analyses of lithics and trade goods at the study sites. This thesis demonstrates that Chinookans modified glass into tools, though there was variation in the degree to which glass was modified and the types of tools that were produced between sites. Some of these differences are probably related to availability, how glass was conceptualized by Native Peoples, or other unidentified causes. This study suggests that in some ways glass was just another raw material, similar to stone, that was used to create tools that mirrored the existing lithic technology. However at Cathlapotle at least, glass appears to have been relatively scarce and perhaps valued even as a status item. While at Middle Village, glass (as opposed to stone) was being used about a third of the time to produce tools. Glass tool technology at Cathlapotle, Meier, and Middle Village was very similar to the existing stone tool technology dominated by expedient/low energy tools; however, novel new bottle abraders do appear at Middle Village. This multifaceted response reflects how some traditional lifeways continued, while at the same time new materials and technology was recontextualized in ways that made sense to Chinookan peoples. Glass tools increase at the Fort Vancouver Employee Village rather than decrease through time. This response appears to be a type of resistance to the HBC's economic hegemony and rigid social structure. Though it is impossible to know if such resistance was consciously acted on or was just part of everyday activities that made sense in the economic climate of the time. Overall, this thesis demonstrates how a mundane object such as vessel glass, can provide a wealth of information about how groups like the Chinookans dealt with a changing world, and how the multiethnic community at Fort Vancouver dealt with the hegemony of the HBC. Chinookan peoples and the later inhabitants of the Fort Vancouver Employee Village responded to colonization in ways that made sense to their larger cultural system. These responses led to both continuity and change across time. Title: Exploring Colonization and Ethnogenesis through an Analysis of the Flaked Glass Tools of the Lower Columbia Chinookans and Fur Traders Author: Simmons, Stephanie Catherine Year: 2014 At the end of the 18th century, Anglo Americans and Europeans entered the mouth of the Columbia River for the first time. There they encountered large villages of Chinookan and other Native Americans. Soon afterwards, the Chinookan People became involved in the global fur trade. Pelts, supplies, and native made goods were exchanged with fur traders, who in return provided Chinookans with a number of trade goods. Over the next 40 years, life changed greatly for the Chinookans; new trade and political alliances were created, foreign goods were introduced, and diseases killed large portions of the population (Hajda 1984; Gibson 1992; Schwantes 1996; Boyd 2011; Boyd et al. 2013). Additionally, fur trade forts, like the Hudson's Bay Company's (HBC) Fort Vancouver, were established. At these forts, new multiethnic communities were created to support the fur trade economy (Hussey 1957; Kardas 1971; Warner and Munnik 1972; Erigero 1992; Burley 1997; Mackie 1997; Wilson 2010). This thesis is an historical archaeological study of how Chinookan peoples at three villages and employees of the later multicultural Village at Fort Vancouver negotiated the processes of contact and colonization. Placed in the theoretical framework of practice theory, everyday ordinary activities are studied to understand how cultural identities are created, reinforced, and changed (Lightfoot et al. 1998; Martindale 2009; Voss 2008). Additionally uneven power relationships are examined, in this case between the colonizer and the colonized, which could lead to subjugation but also resistance (Silliman 2001). In order to investigate these issues, this thesis studies how the new foreign material of vessel glass was and was not used during the everyday practice of tool production. Archaeological studies have found that vessel glass, which has physical properties similar to obsidian, was used to create a variety of tool forms by cultures worldwide (Conte and Romero 2008). Modified glass studies (Harrison 2003; Martindale and Jurakic 2006) have demonstrated that they can contribute important new insights into how cultures negotiated colonization. In this study, modified glass tools from three contact period Chinookan sites: Cathlapotle, Meier, and Middle Village, and the later multiethnic Employee Village of Fort Vancouver were examined. Glass tool and debitage analysis based on lithic macroscopic analytical techniques was used to determine manufacturing techniques, tool types, and functions. Additionally, these data were compared to previous analyses of lithics and trade goods at the study sites. This thesis demonstrates that Chinookans modified glass into tools, though there was variation in the degree to which glass was modified and the types of tools that were produced between sites. Some of these differences are probably related to availability, how glass was conceptualized by Native Peoples, or other unidentified causes. This study suggests that in some ways glass was just another raw material, similar to stone, that was used to create tools that mirrored the existing lithic technology. However at Cathlapotle at least, glass appears to have been relatively scarce and perhaps valued even as a status item. While at Middle Village, glass (as opposed to stone) was being used about a third of the time to produce tools. Glass tool technology at Cathlapotle, Meier, and Middle Village was very similar to the existing stone tool technology dominated by expedient/low energy tools; however, novel new bottle abraders do appear at Middle Village. This multifaceted response reflects how some traditional lifeways continued, while at the same time new materials and technology was recontextualized in ways that made sense to Chinookan peoples. Glass tools increase at the Fort Vancouver Employee Village rather than decrease through time. This response appears to be a type of resistance to the HBC's economic hegemony and rigid social structure. Though it is impossible to know if such resistance was consciously acted on or was just part of everyday activities that made sense in the economic climate of the time. Overall, this thesis demonstrates how a mundane object such as vessel glass, can provide a wealth of information about how groups like the Chinookans dealt with a changing world, and how the multiethnic community at Fort Vancouver dealt with the hegemony of the HBC. Chinookan peoples and the later inhabitants of the Fort Vancouver Employee Village responded to colonization in ways that made sense to their larger cultural system. These responses led to both continuity and change across time. Close

• 25. [Image] Monument to Hudson

  	On a high point of land in the northern part of the City, overlooking the Hudson River there stands a beautiful monument erected to the memory of Henry Hudson. It is a marble column in the Doric pattern, ...
  	Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Monument to Hudson Year: 1900 On a high point of land in the northern part of the City, overlooking the Hudson River there stands a beautiful monument erected to the memory of Henry Hudson. It is a marble column in the Doric pattern, rising to a height of 100 feet. Eventually it is to bear on its top a statue of Hudson himself. The monument was erected on Spuyten Duyvil hill in 1909 during the Hudson-Fulton celebration to commemorate the 300th anniversary of the voyage of the Half Moon up the Hudson and the 100th anniversary of the first voyage of Robert Fulton's steamer Clermont up the river in 1807, marking the beginning of steam navigation. The spot is said by some to mark the scene of a fight between Hudson's men and the Indians. However that may be, it is undoubtedly near an old Indian village, for there are still large heaps of shells, marking the scene of many a primitive Sherry, Churchill, or Delmonico feast. Spaces are left on the monument for explanatory tablets, but at present there is nothing to tell the visitor who happens upon it what it is. It stands out in a little open, park-like spot, surrounded by some of the most beautiful secluded homes of New York's millionaires. Of the man Hudson we know little. "We see him first on the deck of his little ninety-ton craft. He goes out of our view in a crazy boat manned by seven sick sailors, cast adrift in the Arctic seas to perish miserably, the victim of a cruel mutiny." He probably died feeling that his life had been a failure--that he had accomplished nothing; yet as direct results of his work we have the great Spitzenbergen whale fisheries, the Hudson Bay Trading Company, and he brought the Dutch to Manhattan Island. It was under the Dutch West India Company's charter that New York City was established. Manhattan Island, consisting of about 19 1/2 square miles was purchased from the Indians in 1626 for a handful of trinkets whose value was about $24.00. Now this same land at the lower end of the island is worth from $200 to $600 a square foot and office space rents at from $1 to $40 a square foot. The land value of the whole 19 square miles is $4,100,000,000 exclusive of the area occupied by streets, and the total value of the property as it stands with buildings and improvements is $6,250,000,000. The island has 2,276,778 inhabitants. It is about 2 miles wide at its widest part and 13 miles long. Title: Monument to Hudson Year: 1900 On a high point of land in the northern part of the City, overlooking the Hudson River there stands a beautiful monument erected to the memory of Henry Hudson. It is a marble column in the Doric pattern, rising to a height of 100 feet. Eventually it is to bear on its top a statue of Hudson himself. The monument was erected on Spuyten Duyvil hill in 1909 during the Hudson-Fulton celebration to commemorate the 300th anniversary of the voyage of the Half Moon up the Hudson and the 100th anniversary of the first voyage of Robert Fulton's steamer Clermont up the river in 1807, marking the beginning of steam navigation. The spot is said by some to mark the scene of a fight between Hudson's men and the Indians. However that may be, it is undoubtedly near an old Indian village, for there are still large heaps of shells, marking the scene of many a primitive Sherry, Churchill, or Delmonico feast. Spaces are left on the monument for explanatory tablets, but at present there is nothing to tell the visitor who happens upon it what it is. It stands out in a little open, park-like spot, surrounded by some of the most beautiful secluded homes of New York's millionaires. Of the man Hudson we know little. "We see him first on the deck of his little ninety-ton craft. He goes out of our view in a crazy boat manned by seven sick sailors, cast adrift in the Arctic seas to perish miserably, the victim of a cruel mutiny." He probably died feeling that his life had been a failure--that he had accomplished nothing; yet as direct results of his work we have the great Spitzenbergen whale fisheries, the Hudson Bay Trading Company, and he brought the Dutch to Manhattan Island. It was under the Dutch West India Company's charter that New York City was established. Manhattan Island, consisting of about 19 1/2 square miles was purchased from the Indians in 1626 for a handful of trinkets whose value was about $24.00. Now this same land at the lower end of the island is worth from $200 to $600 a square foot and office space rents at from $1 to $40 a square foot. The land value of the whole 19 square miles is $4,100,000,000 exclusive of the area occupied by streets, and the total value of the property as it stands with buildings and improvements is $6,250,000,000. The island has 2,276,778 inhabitants. It is about 2 miles wide at its widest part and 13 miles long. Close

• 26. [Image] Historical landscape overview of the upper Klamath River Canyon of Oregon and California

  	"Submitted to Klamath Falls Resource Area, Bureau of Land Management, Lakeview District, Klamath Falls, Oregon." ; "Contract no.: HAP032021."; Includes bibliographical references (p. 178-200)
  	Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Historical landscape overview of the upper Klamath River Canyon of Oregon and California Author: Beckham, Stephen Dow Year: 2006, 2008, 2007 "Submitted to Klamath Falls Resource Area, Bureau of Land Management, Lakeview District, Klamath Falls, Oregon." ; "Contract no.: HAP032021."; Includes bibliographical references (p. 178-200) Title: Historical landscape overview of the upper Klamath River Canyon of Oregon and California Author: Beckham, Stephen Dow Year: 2006, 2008, 2007 "Submitted to Klamath Falls Resource Area, Bureau of Land Management, Lakeview District, Klamath Falls, Oregon." ; "Contract no.: HAP032021."; Includes bibliographical references (p. 178-200) Close

• 27. [Image] Resolving the Klamath

  	"October 1999"; Cover title
  	Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Resolving the Klamath Year: 1999, 2004 "October 1999"; Cover title Title: Resolving the Klamath Year: 1999, 2004 "October 1999"; Cover title Close

• 28. [Image] Lakeview proposed resource management plan and final environmental impact statement [volume 1]

  	4 v.; maps (some col.); "August 2002"; "January 2003" -- cover
  	Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Lakeview proposed resource management plan and final environmental impact statement [volume 1] Author: U.S. Department of the Interior. Bureau of Land Management; Lakeview Resource Area Office. Lakeview District Year: 2002, 2006, 2005 4 v.; maps (some col.); "August 2002"; "January 2003" -- cover Title: Lakeview proposed resource management plan and final environmental impact statement [volume 1] Author: U.S. Department of the Interior. Bureau of Land Management; Lakeview Resource Area Office. Lakeview District Year: 2002, 2006, 2005 4 v.; maps (some col.); "August 2002"; "January 2003" -- cover Close

• 29. [Image] The Klamath Project

  	"Seventh draft"; Includes bibliographical references and index
  	Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: The Klamath Project Author: Stene, Eric A. Year: 1994, 2004 "Seventh draft"; Includes bibliographical references and index Title: The Klamath Project Author: Stene, Eric A. Year: 1994, 2004 "Seventh draft"; Includes bibliographical references and index Close

• 30. [Image] Soil survey of Klamath County, Oregon, southern part

  	Foreword The Soil Survey of Klamath County, Oregon, Southern Part, is the product of many soil scientists, plant specialists, soil engineers, extension specialists, land owners, and others who worked ...
  	Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Soil survey of Klamath County, Oregon, southern part Author: Cahoon, Joe Year: 1985, 2006, 2005 Foreword The Soil Survey of Klamath County, Oregon, Southern Part, is the product of many soil scientists, plant specialists, soil engineers, extension specialists, land owners, and others who worked and cooperated as a team to complete this project. In this report are many kinds of basic information about the soils in the area. This information can be helpful in making decisions about the management of irrigated soils for optimum crop production, in planning land uses for urban and suburban areas, and in determining the needs for many other uses, for example, forestry, range, wildlife, and recreation. This soil survey has been prepared for many different users. Farmers can use it to help select the most suitable crop for the kind of soil; ranchers can use it to determine amount of forage production and the kinds of plants most suited to range or woodland; foresters can use the survey to find information about kinds of trees, potential for tree growth, and special soil features. Title: Soil survey of Klamath County, Oregon, southern part Author: Cahoon, Joe Year: 1985, 2006, 2005 Foreword The Soil Survey of Klamath County, Oregon, Southern Part, is the product of many soil scientists, plant specialists, soil engineers, extension specialists, land owners, and others who worked and cooperated as a team to complete this project. In this report are many kinds of basic information about the soils in the area. This information can be helpful in making decisions about the management of irrigated soils for optimum crop production, in planning land uses for urban and suburban areas, and in determining the needs for many other uses, for example, forestry, range, wildlife, and recreation. This soil survey has been prepared for many different users. Farmers can use it to help select the most suitable crop for the kind of soil; ranchers can use it to determine amount of forage production and the kinds of plants most suited to range or woodland; foresters can use the survey to find information about kinds of trees, potential for tree growth, and special soil features. Close