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• 661. [Article] Where Is Portland Made? The Complex Relationship between Social Media and Place in the Artisan Economy of Portland, Oregon (USA)

  Portland, Oregon (USA) has become known for an artisanal or ‘maker’ economy that relies on a resurgence of place specificity (Heying), primarily expressed and exported to a global audience in the notion ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Where Is Portland Made? The Complex Relationship between Social Media and Place in the Artisan Economy of Portland, Oregon (USA) Author: Marotta, Stephen, Cummings, Austin, Heying, Charles H. Year: 2016 Portland, Oregon (USA) has become known for an artisanal or ‘maker’ economy that relies on a resurgence of place specificity (Heying), primarily expressed and exported to a global audience in the notion of ‘Portland Made’ (Roy). Portland Made reveals a tension immanent in the notion of ‘place’: place is both here and not here, both real and imaginary. What emerges is a complicated picture of how place conceptually captures various intersections of materiality and mythology, aesthetics and economics. On the one hand, Portland Made represents the collective brand-identity used by Portland’s makers to signify a products’ material existence as handcrafted, place-embedded, and authentic. These characteristics lead to certain assumptions about the concept of ‘local’ (Marotta and Heying): what meaning does Portland Made convey, and how is such meaning distributed? On the other hand, the seemingly intentional embedding of place-specificity in objects meant for distribution far outside of Portland begs another type of question: how does Portland come to be discursively representative of these characteristics, and how are such representations distributed to global audiences? How does this global distribution and consumption of immaterial Portland feed back into the production of material Portland? To answer these questions we look to the realm of social media, specifically the popular image-based service Instagram. For the uninitiated, Instagram is a web-based social media service that allows pictures to be shared and seen by anyone that follows a person or business’ Instagram account. Actions include posting original photos (often taken and posted with a cell phone), ‘liking’ pictures, and ‘hash-tagging’ posts with trending terms that increase visibility. Instagram presents us with a complex view of place as both material and virtual, sometimes reifying and sometimes abstracting often-contradictory understandings of place specificity. Many makers use Instagram to promote their products to a broad audience and, in doing so, makers participate in the construction of Portland’s mythology. In this paper, we use empirical insights to theorise makers’ role in shaping and cultivating the virtual and material aspects of place. Additionally, we discuss how makers navigate the complex relationships tied to the importance of place in their specific cultural productions. In the first section, we develop the notion of a curated maker subjectivity. In the second section, we consider the relationship between subjectivity and place. Both sections emphasize how Instagram mediates the relationship between place and subjectivity. Through spotlighting particular literatures in each section, we attempt to fill a gap in the literature that addresses the relationship between subjectivity, place, and social media. Through this line of analysis, we attempt to better understand how and where Portland is made, along with the implications for Portland’s makers. Title: Where Is Portland Made? The Complex Relationship between Social Media and Place in the Artisan Economy of Portland, Oregon (USA) Author: Marotta, Stephen, Cummings, Austin, Heying, Charles H. Year: 2016 Portland, Oregon (USA) has become known for an artisanal or ‘maker’ economy that relies on a resurgence of place specificity (Heying), primarily expressed and exported to a global audience in the notion of ‘Portland Made’ (Roy). Portland Made reveals a tension immanent in the notion of ‘place’: place is both here and not here, both real and imaginary. What emerges is a complicated picture of how place conceptually captures various intersections of materiality and mythology, aesthetics and economics. On the one hand, Portland Made represents the collective brand-identity used by Portland’s makers to signify a products’ material existence as handcrafted, place-embedded, and authentic. These characteristics lead to certain assumptions about the concept of ‘local’ (Marotta and Heying): what meaning does Portland Made convey, and how is such meaning distributed? On the other hand, the seemingly intentional embedding of place-specificity in objects meant for distribution far outside of Portland begs another type of question: how does Portland come to be discursively representative of these characteristics, and how are such representations distributed to global audiences? How does this global distribution and consumption of immaterial Portland feed back into the production of material Portland? To answer these questions we look to the realm of social media, specifically the popular image-based service Instagram. For the uninitiated, Instagram is a web-based social media service that allows pictures to be shared and seen by anyone that follows a person or business’ Instagram account. Actions include posting original photos (often taken and posted with a cell phone), ‘liking’ pictures, and ‘hash-tagging’ posts with trending terms that increase visibility. Instagram presents us with a complex view of place as both material and virtual, sometimes reifying and sometimes abstracting often-contradictory understandings of place specificity. Many makers use Instagram to promote their products to a broad audience and, in doing so, makers participate in the construction of Portland’s mythology. In this paper, we use empirical insights to theorise makers’ role in shaping and cultivating the virtual and material aspects of place. Additionally, we discuss how makers navigate the complex relationships tied to the importance of place in their specific cultural productions. In the first section, we develop the notion of a curated maker subjectivity. In the second section, we consider the relationship between subjectivity and place. Both sections emphasize how Instagram mediates the relationship between place and subjectivity. Through spotlighting particular literatures in each section, we attempt to fill a gap in the literature that addresses the relationship between subjectivity, place, and social media. Through this line of analysis, we attempt to better understand how and where Portland is made, along with the implications for Portland’s makers. Close

• 662. [Article] West Portland Town Center: Developing Partnerships for Planning and Implementation

  Metro, the regional planning organization for Clackamas, Multnomah, and Washington Counties, designated the area in Southwest Portland known as West Portland as a Town Center in its Region 2040 Preferred ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: West Portland Town Center: Developing Partnerships for Planning and Implementation Author: Aho, Matthew, Greathouse, Stevie, Snyder, Kevin Year: 1996 Metro, the regional planning organization for Clackamas, Multnomah, and Washington Counties, designated the area in Southwest Portland known as West Portland as a Town Center in its Region 2040 Preferred Growth Concept. Metro's Town Center definition is open to different levels of interpretation without much guidance as to how the Town Center vision (i.e. increased density, a mix of land uses, a sense of place, and an emphasis on alternative modes of travel) is to be planned for and implemented. Since this designation in 1994, public sector planning efforts have been initiated around and specific to the West Portland Town Center. However, there is still a high level of uncertainty as to how the Town Center vision will be realized and who is ultimately responsible for its implementation. This report addresses this uncertainty. While it does not presume to provide answers, it does pose a variety of options for planning methodologies, public sector responsibilities, and community involvement. These options are based on a viewpoint that traditional planning methodologies and models are insufficient to realize the Town Center vision, and that nontraditional methods and models must be explored and attempted if this vision is to become a reality. The report has three sections which are intended to convey ideas and information that will guide the public and private sectors and the community in the planning and implementation of the West Portland Town Center directly, and other town center-like places indirectly. Section I introduces the West Portland Town Center and explains the report methodology. In addition, this section analyzes the current planning process for the West Portland Town Center. Section II of the report summarizes seven case studies, numerous stakeholder interviews, and a citizen focus group that were the basis for a significant portion of the information and ideas presented in the final section. Section ill presents an analysis of all research. This includes a discussion of general principles for planning town center-like places and three alternative approaches, including the Status Quo, Partnership, and Community Ownership, for the planning and implementation of the West Portland Town Center. The Status Quo Alternative proposes no significant changes in the current planning process for the West Portland Town Center. The Partnership Alternative proposes a higher level of community and private sector participation in the planning and implementation of the West Portland Town Center. The Community Ownership Alternative proposes a planning and implementation process for the West Portland Town Center that is primarily initiated, led, and completed by the community. AGS Associates recommends a carefully formulated composite of the three alternatives that addresses a consensus-based vision for the area. We would like to see the community and local businesses become more actively involved in all stages of the planning and implementation for the West Portland Town Center. This process should take place within a well-defined framework that is actively supported ·by the various public sector stakeholders. This project was conducted under the supervision of Deborah Howe and Connie Ozawa. Title: West Portland Town Center: Developing Partnerships for Planning and Implementation Author: Aho, Matthew, Greathouse, Stevie, Snyder, Kevin Year: 1996 Metro, the regional planning organization for Clackamas, Multnomah, and Washington Counties, designated the area in Southwest Portland known as West Portland as a Town Center in its Region 2040 Preferred Growth Concept. Metro's Town Center definition is open to different levels of interpretation without much guidance as to how the Town Center vision (i.e. increased density, a mix of land uses, a sense of place, and an emphasis on alternative modes of travel) is to be planned for and implemented. Since this designation in 1994, public sector planning efforts have been initiated around and specific to the West Portland Town Center. However, there is still a high level of uncertainty as to how the Town Center vision will be realized and who is ultimately responsible for its implementation. This report addresses this uncertainty. While it does not presume to provide answers, it does pose a variety of options for planning methodologies, public sector responsibilities, and community involvement. These options are based on a viewpoint that traditional planning methodologies and models are insufficient to realize the Town Center vision, and that nontraditional methods and models must be explored and attempted if this vision is to become a reality. The report has three sections which are intended to convey ideas and information that will guide the public and private sectors and the community in the planning and implementation of the West Portland Town Center directly, and other town center-like places indirectly. Section I introduces the West Portland Town Center and explains the report methodology. In addition, this section analyzes the current planning process for the West Portland Town Center. Section II of the report summarizes seven case studies, numerous stakeholder interviews, and a citizen focus group that were the basis for a significant portion of the information and ideas presented in the final section. Section ill presents an analysis of all research. This includes a discussion of general principles for planning town center-like places and three alternative approaches, including the Status Quo, Partnership, and Community Ownership, for the planning and implementation of the West Portland Town Center. The Status Quo Alternative proposes no significant changes in the current planning process for the West Portland Town Center. The Partnership Alternative proposes a higher level of community and private sector participation in the planning and implementation of the West Portland Town Center. The Community Ownership Alternative proposes a planning and implementation process for the West Portland Town Center that is primarily initiated, led, and completed by the community. AGS Associates recommends a carefully formulated composite of the three alternatives that addresses a consensus-based vision for the area. We would like to see the community and local businesses become more actively involved in all stages of the planning and implementation for the West Portland Town Center. This process should take place within a well-defined framework that is actively supported ·by the various public sector stakeholders. This project was conducted under the supervision of Deborah Howe and Connie Ozawa. Close

• 663. [Article] The Car Sharer's Companion: An Owner's Manual for Car Sharing in Portland, Oregon

  So, you want to start a car sharing organization. The Car Sharer's Companion, researched and written by the team members of CarShare Cascadia Mobility Consultants, is your handbook and resource guide for ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: The Car Sharer's Companion: An Owner's Manual for Car Sharing in Portland, Oregon Author: Clark, Graham S., Davis, Tom G. Year: 1996 So, you want to start a car sharing organization. The Car Sharer's Companion, researched and written by the team members of CarShare Cascadia Mobility Consultants, is your handbook and resource guide for starting a car sharing organization in Portland, Oregon. After your operation mobilizes, the Companion can continue to serve as a reference. It comes in two parts. Part I: An Ignition Guide presents the steps to start up a car sharing operation. Its four chapters cover how to build and incorporate your organization, how to find and serve a market for car sharing, what decisions to make in investment and insurance, and a what strategies to use for managing the operation. The Ignition Guide encourages you with evidence that, once knowing how, where, with whom to start an car sharing' organization, you can develop an economically feasible, convenient, and marketable enterprise in Portland. The handbook format includes information, advice, and italicized illustrative case studies. Part II: A Resource Guide is useful for when you seek more in-depth information about the subjects discussed in Part I. It provides a subject index and an annotated bibliography to the sources that inform this handbook. Moreover, it provides a list of potential car sharers--the beginnings ofa network in Portland. Section I ofthe Resource Guide presents the subject-by-subject resource directory. Its subjects match the four chapters in the Ignition Guide above. For instance, after reading about the best corporate structure in section 1-2 of "Chapter 1: Mobilizing Your Organization" in the handbook, you can turn to the section 1-2 of the resource directory to find an index of sources on corporate form. Section II of the Resource guide is not arranged by subject. It is an alphabetized, fully annotated source bibliography. Sources include a variety of interviews, meetings, correspondences, and also annotated literature entries that support our findings. Finally, we have provided a glossary ofthe key car sharing concepts that drive the mobility sharing movement. Read these on the following page to prime yourself for your journey into the wonderful world of car sharing. And believe us, it is truly a beautiful place. So turn that page and twist that ignition key. Let's hit the road! Title: The Car Sharer's Companion: An Owner's Manual for Car Sharing in Portland, Oregon Author: Clark, Graham S., Davis, Tom G. Year: 1996 So, you want to start a car sharing organization. The Car Sharer's Companion, researched and written by the team members of CarShare Cascadia Mobility Consultants, is your handbook and resource guide for starting a car sharing organization in Portland, Oregon. After your operation mobilizes, the Companion can continue to serve as a reference. It comes in two parts. Part I: An Ignition Guide presents the steps to start up a car sharing operation. Its four chapters cover how to build and incorporate your organization, how to find and serve a market for car sharing, what decisions to make in investment and insurance, and a what strategies to use for managing the operation. The Ignition Guide encourages you with evidence that, once knowing how, where, with whom to start an car sharing' organization, you can develop an economically feasible, convenient, and marketable enterprise in Portland. The handbook format includes information, advice, and italicized illustrative case studies. Part II: A Resource Guide is useful for when you seek more in-depth information about the subjects discussed in Part I. It provides a subject index and an annotated bibliography to the sources that inform this handbook. Moreover, it provides a list of potential car sharers--the beginnings ofa network in Portland. Section I ofthe Resource Guide presents the subject-by-subject resource directory. Its subjects match the four chapters in the Ignition Guide above. For instance, after reading about the best corporate structure in section 1-2 of "Chapter 1: Mobilizing Your Organization" in the handbook, you can turn to the section 1-2 of the resource directory to find an index of sources on corporate form. Section II of the Resource guide is not arranged by subject. It is an alphabetized, fully annotated source bibliography. Sources include a variety of interviews, meetings, correspondences, and also annotated literature entries that support our findings. Finally, we have provided a glossary ofthe key car sharing concepts that drive the mobility sharing movement. Read these on the following page to prime yourself for your journey into the wonderful world of car sharing. And believe us, it is truly a beautiful place. So turn that page and twist that ignition key. Let's hit the road! Close

• 664. [Article] Pretrial Release in Criminal Courts: a Study of Three Oregon Counties

  Pretrial release (PTR) is the permanent or temporary freedom from incarceration for criminal defendants awaiting adjudication of their cases in court. From Anglo Saxon times in England, people accused ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Pretrial Release in Criminal Courts: a Study of Three Oregon Counties Author: DeGraw, Melvin Earl Year: 1995 Pretrial release (PTR) is the permanent or temporary freedom from incarceration for criminal defendants awaiting adjudication of their cases in court. From Anglo Saxon times in England, people accused of non-capital crimes were generally permitted to remain free until judicial officials could hear the charges against them. In America, pretrial release has been advocated by the courts since the colonial era. The U. S. Constitution requires that bail not be excessive, but leaves governments free to decide how bail laws are administered. The study briefly traces the historical developments of PTR up to the present time. The study then centers on the PTR process of three Oregon counties (Multnomah, Washington, and Yamhill) and observes the decisions of judges, release assistance officers, and jailers in relation to the release outcomes for a study group (N=619) who were booked into jails of the three counties in 1993. Background data on defendants in the study include gender, race, the crimes for which they were arrested, criminal history, and the disposition of the current charges. Seventy-one percent of the defendants received PTR. Significant factors in the release outcome, as shown by logistic and multiple regression analyses, were probation violation status, felony in the current charge, narcotics offenses in the current charge, and charged with multiple offenses. Gender and race were not strong influences on the release outcome. Hispanic defendants (N = 108) in the study, however, were detained in jail longer than Whites (N=394). Hispanics were less likely than Whites to be released on the same day of arrest and served generally longer jail terms than Whites under similar sentences. Possible explanations are that Hispanics were more frequently charged with distributing narcotics and charged with multiple offenses. Implications suggest further studies on minorities in judicial and corrections settings. The study has applications in judicial and corrections policies on the early release of inmates, an important issue as jails become increasingly overcrowded. Title: Pretrial Release in Criminal Courts: a Study of Three Oregon Counties Author: DeGraw, Melvin Earl Year: 1995 Pretrial release (PTR) is the permanent or temporary freedom from incarceration for criminal defendants awaiting adjudication of their cases in court. From Anglo Saxon times in England, people accused of non-capital crimes were generally permitted to remain free until judicial officials could hear the charges against them. In America, pretrial release has been advocated by the courts since the colonial era. The U. S. Constitution requires that bail not be excessive, but leaves governments free to decide how bail laws are administered. The study briefly traces the historical developments of PTR up to the present time. The study then centers on the PTR process of three Oregon counties (Multnomah, Washington, and Yamhill) and observes the decisions of judges, release assistance officers, and jailers in relation to the release outcomes for a study group (N=619) who were booked into jails of the three counties in 1993. Background data on defendants in the study include gender, race, the crimes for which they were arrested, criminal history, and the disposition of the current charges. Seventy-one percent of the defendants received PTR. Significant factors in the release outcome, as shown by logistic and multiple regression analyses, were probation violation status, felony in the current charge, narcotics offenses in the current charge, and charged with multiple offenses. Gender and race were not strong influences on the release outcome. Hispanic defendants (N = 108) in the study, however, were detained in jail longer than Whites (N=394). Hispanics were less likely than Whites to be released on the same day of arrest and served generally longer jail terms than Whites under similar sentences. Possible explanations are that Hispanics were more frequently charged with distributing narcotics and charged with multiple offenses. Implications suggest further studies on minorities in judicial and corrections settings. The study has applications in judicial and corrections policies on the early release of inmates, an important issue as jails become increasingly overcrowded. Close

• 665. [Article] Social problems and collaborative planning: toward a theory and model of social planning

  The concern of this dissertation is planning theory and practice; its purpose is to make planning more responsive to the problems of the city. The premise that the study is built on is that social planning ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Social problems and collaborative planning: toward a theory and model of social planning Author: Ille, Marjorie M. Year: 1976 The concern of this dissertation is planning theory and practice; its purpose is to make planning more responsive to the problems of the city. The premise that the study is built on is that social planning must be in harmony with the nature of its subject matter, and that social problems is its subject matter. The supposition is that if we grasp the nature of social problems and build planning theory and practice on these insights, planning efforts will be more relevant and more effective. The approach is a theoretical one; social problems are the starting point. After urban problems--and poverty in particular--are examined from an historical perspective, a social systems framework is presented to clarify how problems are generated and maintained as well as to explain how responses to problems are shaped. The inquiry into the nature of social problems then draws upon sociological theory. This theoretical literature is found to focus on either the objective elements of social problems or on the subjective, that is, the process by which persons come to judge whether a condition is a social problem. Structural aspects of problems are not an important concern of the theorists. However, in this study a problem is considered as social only when its causes lie outside of individuals--when the sources or origins can be found in existing structural or institutional arrangements. Problems are conceptualized as having two dimensions: objective and subjective ones. Social problems--specifically, their objective and subjective dimensions--are related to social planning. It is contended that planning must deal with the objective elements of social problems, including structural aspects, as well as with the subjective dimensions. Or, in other words, social planning must (1) treat the structural causes of problems and also (2) address itself to the values, beliefs, definitions, etc. that obstruct social change. In addition to this theoretical linkage of social problems and social planning, the dissertation situates planning in the context of a general theory of social reality. Drawing upon the work of Berger and Luckmann (1966), planning is conceptualized as a process in which reality is socially constructed. These theoretical concepts--the objective and subjective dimensions of socia1 problems as the object of social planning and social planning as the social construction of reality-provide the basis for the model which is developed. Three components of the model are treated. First, characteristics of the process are discussed, and it is contended that the social planning process must be “task-oriented,” "experimental,” “cybernetic,” dialogic, and collaborative. Second, roles and phases in the process are discussed and illustrated. : Consistent with the theoretical framework in which knowledge is considered as socially distributed, citizen, planner, and decision maker have roles in each of the planning phases. Since no one has a complete view of social reality, each is seen as having a distinct contribution to make in the task of defining the problem and its solution. Thus, resolving social problems requires that citizen, planner, and decision maker collaborate and learn from one another. The planner's role is elaborated as the third aspect of the model. By planner is meant an interdisciplinary team whose role encompasses two main functions: (1) technical tasks that have traditionally belonged to the planner, and (2) interactional tasks. Although other planning theorists have outlined interactional tasks for the planner, his role in the collaborative model is “to promote mutual learning through dialog.” This role, similar to that of a process consultant, is considered unique to the collaborative planning model. Although components of the model resemble those of other models, taken together, the characteristics of the planning process, planning phases, and planning roles differ from any other model. And importantly, the planning model grows out of a theoretical analysis of social problems as well as a broad theoretical framework. The model is normative in nature, and although it is not tested empirically, it is evaluated at a theoretical level. The collaborative model and seven other planning models are assessed in terms of whether they are responsive to the nature of social problems. It is contended that the collaborative model is the only one that is responsive to the nature of social problems. This dissertation--its theoretical concepts and conceptual model-is seen as a contribution to an emerging planning paradigm--one that holds the promise that we can learn to deal effectively with the problems that confront our cities. Title: Social problems and collaborative planning: toward a theory and model of social planning Author: Ille, Marjorie M. Year: 1976 The concern of this dissertation is planning theory and practice; its purpose is to make planning more responsive to the problems of the city. The premise that the study is built on is that social planning must be in harmony with the nature of its subject matter, and that social problems is its subject matter. The supposition is that if we grasp the nature of social problems and build planning theory and practice on these insights, planning efforts will be more relevant and more effective. The approach is a theoretical one; social problems are the starting point. After urban problems--and poverty in particular--are examined from an historical perspective, a social systems framework is presented to clarify how problems are generated and maintained as well as to explain how responses to problems are shaped. The inquiry into the nature of social problems then draws upon sociological theory. This theoretical literature is found to focus on either the objective elements of social problems or on the subjective, that is, the process by which persons come to judge whether a condition is a social problem. Structural aspects of problems are not an important concern of the theorists. However, in this study a problem is considered as social only when its causes lie outside of individuals--when the sources or origins can be found in existing structural or institutional arrangements. Problems are conceptualized as having two dimensions: objective and subjective ones. Social problems--specifically, their objective and subjective dimensions--are related to social planning. It is contended that planning must deal with the objective elements of social problems, including structural aspects, as well as with the subjective dimensions. Or, in other words, social planning must (1) treat the structural causes of problems and also (2) address itself to the values, beliefs, definitions, etc. that obstruct social change. In addition to this theoretical linkage of social problems and social planning, the dissertation situates planning in the context of a general theory of social reality. Drawing upon the work of Berger and Luckmann (1966), planning is conceptualized as a process in which reality is socially constructed. These theoretical concepts--the objective and subjective dimensions of socia1 problems as the object of social planning and social planning as the social construction of reality-provide the basis for the model which is developed. Three components of the model are treated. First, characteristics of the process are discussed, and it is contended that the social planning process must be “task-oriented,” "experimental,” “cybernetic,” dialogic, and collaborative. Second, roles and phases in the process are discussed and illustrated. : Consistent with the theoretical framework in which knowledge is considered as socially distributed, citizen, planner, and decision maker have roles in each of the planning phases. Since no one has a complete view of social reality, each is seen as having a distinct contribution to make in the task of defining the problem and its solution. Thus, resolving social problems requires that citizen, planner, and decision maker collaborate and learn from one another. The planner's role is elaborated as the third aspect of the model. By planner is meant an interdisciplinary team whose role encompasses two main functions: (1) technical tasks that have traditionally belonged to the planner, and (2) interactional tasks. Although other planning theorists have outlined interactional tasks for the planner, his role in the collaborative model is “to promote mutual learning through dialog.” This role, similar to that of a process consultant, is considered unique to the collaborative planning model. Although components of the model resemble those of other models, taken together, the characteristics of the planning process, planning phases, and planning roles differ from any other model. And importantly, the planning model grows out of a theoretical analysis of social problems as well as a broad theoretical framework. The model is normative in nature, and although it is not tested empirically, it is evaluated at a theoretical level. The collaborative model and seven other planning models are assessed in terms of whether they are responsive to the nature of social problems. It is contended that the collaborative model is the only one that is responsive to the nature of social problems. This dissertation--its theoretical concepts and conceptual model-is seen as a contribution to an emerging planning paradigm--one that holds the promise that we can learn to deal effectively with the problems that confront our cities. Close