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• 351. [Article] Radicalism in American Political Thought : Black Power, the Black Panthers, and the American Creed

  American Political Thought has presented somewhat of a challenge to many because of the conflict between the ideals found within the "American Creed" and the reality of America's treatment of ethnic and ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Radicalism in American Political Thought : Black Power, the Black Panthers, and the American Creed Author: Cooney, Christopher Thomas Year: 2007 American Political Thought has presented somewhat of a challenge to many because of the conflict between the ideals found within the "American Creed" and the reality of America's treatment of ethnic and social minorities. The various forms of marginalization and oppression facing women, blacks, Native Americans, and Asian-Americans have been as much a part of the story of America as have been natural rights and the Constitution. Taking this into account, this thesis is an effort to argue that the radicalism on display in the Black Panther Party, a group that emerged in the turmoil of the 1960' s, was a direct descendant of the ideas found within the Black Power movement. It will be argued that these militant critiques of American society were radical, but were not so radical as to be viewed as outside of the context provided by the ideals found in the American Creed. In order to do so, it will be necessary first to present and analyze the various approaches toward explaining the content and nature of the American Creed. The Creed will be presented as separate from American political reality, as an ideal type. As a result it appears to be a rather amorphous tool which can be used both by supporters of a more robust realization of the Creed's ideals and those who wish to limit the scope of these ideals. Having discussed these approaches toward the American Creed, a discussion of radical political ideas will serve to introduce the Black Power movement and the later Black Panther Party. It will be argued that the radical ideas on display were born out of a frustration with American society, but were at the same time an endorsement of the American Creed. It will be concluded that the American Creed is a powerful force acting upon American political thought, so powerful that even those who should rationally reject the Creed forcefully embrace it. Title: Radicalism in American Political Thought : Black Power, the Black Panthers, and the American Creed Author: Cooney, Christopher Thomas Year: 2007 American Political Thought has presented somewhat of a challenge to many because of the conflict between the ideals found within the "American Creed" and the reality of America's treatment of ethnic and social minorities. The various forms of marginalization and oppression facing women, blacks, Native Americans, and Asian-Americans have been as much a part of the story of America as have been natural rights and the Constitution. Taking this into account, this thesis is an effort to argue that the radicalism on display in the Black Panther Party, a group that emerged in the turmoil of the 1960' s, was a direct descendant of the ideas found within the Black Power movement. It will be argued that these militant critiques of American society were radical, but were not so radical as to be viewed as outside of the context provided by the ideals found in the American Creed. In order to do so, it will be necessary first to present and analyze the various approaches toward explaining the content and nature of the American Creed. The Creed will be presented as separate from American political reality, as an ideal type. As a result it appears to be a rather amorphous tool which can be used both by supporters of a more robust realization of the Creed's ideals and those who wish to limit the scope of these ideals. Having discussed these approaches toward the American Creed, a discussion of radical political ideas will serve to introduce the Black Power movement and the later Black Panther Party. It will be argued that the radical ideas on display were born out of a frustration with American society, but were at the same time an endorsement of the American Creed. It will be concluded that the American Creed is a powerful force acting upon American political thought, so powerful that even those who should rationally reject the Creed forcefully embrace it. Close

• 352. [Article] Charles A. Moose: Race, Community Policing, and Portland's First African American Police Chief

  In 1993, Charles Moose became Portland, Oregon's first black police chief. A nationally recognized student of the developing theories of community policing, Chief Moose's promotion was also hoped to help ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Charles A. Moose: Race, Community Policing, and Portland's First African American Police Chief Author: Kenck-Crispin, Douglas Jon Year: 2017 In 1993, Charles Moose became Portland, Oregon's first black police chief. A nationally recognized student of the developing theories of community policing, Chief Moose's promotion was also hoped to help strengthen the diversity of the Portland Police Bureau. Ultimately, Portlanders were unable to look past Moose's public outbursts and demeanor and recognize his accomplishments. As a city, they missed an opportunity. This thesis uses transcripts of speeches and policy papers to present some political history to the reader, but also letters to the mayor's office, letters to the editor and the like to consider the social history of 1990's Portland. Some specific touchpoints of Moose's administration are considered, including when he and his wife Sandy moved to the King Neighborhood, the Daniel Binns birthday party and the resulting march on Moose's home, his outburst at the City Council, and other examples of his legendary anger. Moose's role in gentrification, and the policies he created for the Portland Police Bureau to lead that charge will not be ignored. All the while, the context of Oregon's racist heritage is forefront in this paper. By 1999, Charles Moose had left the bureau and accepted a job in Maryland. He was selected for many of the accomplishments that the Portland public had criticized him for. Ultimately, this study will show that Portland missed an opportunity to discuss how they wanted to be policed, and what philosophies they wanted their enforcers to personify. Title: Charles A. Moose: Race, Community Policing, and Portland's First African American Police Chief Author: Kenck-Crispin, Douglas Jon Year: 2017 In 1993, Charles Moose became Portland, Oregon's first black police chief. A nationally recognized student of the developing theories of community policing, Chief Moose's promotion was also hoped to help strengthen the diversity of the Portland Police Bureau. Ultimately, Portlanders were unable to look past Moose's public outbursts and demeanor and recognize his accomplishments. As a city, they missed an opportunity. This thesis uses transcripts of speeches and policy papers to present some political history to the reader, but also letters to the mayor's office, letters to the editor and the like to consider the social history of 1990's Portland. Some specific touchpoints of Moose's administration are considered, including when he and his wife Sandy moved to the King Neighborhood, the Daniel Binns birthday party and the resulting march on Moose's home, his outburst at the City Council, and other examples of his legendary anger. Moose's role in gentrification, and the policies he created for the Portland Police Bureau to lead that charge will not be ignored. All the while, the context of Oregon's racist heritage is forefront in this paper. By 1999, Charles Moose had left the bureau and accepted a job in Maryland. He was selected for many of the accomplishments that the Portland public had criticized him for. Ultimately, this study will show that Portland missed an opportunity to discuss how they wanted to be policed, and what philosophies they wanted their enforcers to personify. Close

• 353. [Article] John Humphrey Noyes, 1811-1840 : a social biography

  John Humphrey Noyes was the founder of the Oneida Community, one of the most successful utopian ventures in nineteenth-century America. Early in his life, Noyes was a deep religious thinker, but he founded ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: John Humphrey Noyes, 1811-1840 : a social biography Author: DuBay, Susan Adams Year: 1989 John Humphrey Noyes was the founder of the Oneida Community, one of the most successful utopian ventures in nineteenth-century America. Early in his life, Noyes was a deep religious thinker, but he founded Oneida as an ideal society based on extending the family unit, and not as a church. Noyes's social theories eventually overwhelmed his former religious concentration. The purpose of this thesis is to locate in Noyes's religiously-oriented youth the sources of his social interests. Few scholars have studied in depth the childhood and young manhood of John Humphrey Noyes, but that is where the roots of his social theories are to be found. Noyes did write his religious autobiography, but completely passed over his formative years. Further, he never wrote the analysis of his social ideas and experiences that he had once promised. However, many of his early letters and journals have been compiled and edited by his relatives; and his immediate family left reminiscences of his youth. These works provide most of the available information on the childhood of Noyes. Large gaps in his history do exist, however. Therefore, the modern psychological theories of Erik Erikson are used to illuminate the otherwise shadowy areas of Noyes's early life. Title: John Humphrey Noyes, 1811-1840 : a social biography Author: DuBay, Susan Adams Year: 1989 John Humphrey Noyes was the founder of the Oneida Community, one of the most successful utopian ventures in nineteenth-century America. Early in his life, Noyes was a deep religious thinker, but he founded Oneida as an ideal society based on extending the family unit, and not as a church. Noyes's social theories eventually overwhelmed his former religious concentration. The purpose of this thesis is to locate in Noyes's religiously-oriented youth the sources of his social interests. Few scholars have studied in depth the childhood and young manhood of John Humphrey Noyes, but that is where the roots of his social theories are to be found. Noyes did write his religious autobiography, but completely passed over his formative years. Further, he never wrote the analysis of his social ideas and experiences that he had once promised. However, many of his early letters and journals have been compiled and edited by his relatives; and his immediate family left reminiscences of his youth. These works provide most of the available information on the childhood of Noyes. Large gaps in his history do exist, however. Therefore, the modern psychological theories of Erik Erikson are used to illuminate the otherwise shadowy areas of Noyes's early life. Close

• 354. [Article] "Hip Hop Poetics" - Part 2, Adam Bradley, the Black Bag Speakers Series, PSU, 2009

  Adam Bradley lectures on his book entitled: Book of Rhymes: The Poetics of Hip Hop. Part 2 of 2. Q & A session with Adam Bradley following his talk. Sponsored by the Black Studies Department and the Multicultural ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: "Hip Hop Poetics" - Part 2, Adam Bradley, the Black Bag Speakers Series, PSU, 2009 Author: Bradley, Adam Year: 2009 Adam Bradley lectures on his book entitled: Book of Rhymes: The Poetics of Hip Hop. Part 2 of 2. Q & A session with Adam Bradley following his talk. Sponsored by the Black Studies Department and the Multicultural Center, Portland State University. Title: "Hip Hop Poetics" - Part 2, Adam Bradley, the Black Bag Speakers Series, PSU, 2009 Author: Bradley, Adam Year: 2009 Adam Bradley lectures on his book entitled: Book of Rhymes: The Poetics of Hip Hop. Part 2 of 2. Q & A session with Adam Bradley following his talk. Sponsored by the Black Studies Department and the Multicultural Center, Portland State University. Close

• 355. [Article] Truman's election in 1948

  You can't judge a book by its cover. The cliche may be trite, nonetheless it is applicable to Harry s. Truman. The feisty Missourian wrested greatness from the hands of his challengers who would have denied ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Truman's election in 1948 Author: Kump, Mary Peter Year: 1975 You can't judge a book by its cover. The cliche may be trite, nonetheless it is applicable to Harry s. Truman. The feisty Missourian wrested greatness from the hands of his challengers who would have denied it to him because of his background. His lack of a college degree seemed to rankle the press, and as far as they were concerned disqualified him as President of the United States. Based largely on contemporary accounts, this thesis traces the color and drama of Truman's 1948 campaign. In order to appreciate fully the triumph of the President’s victory, it was necessary to follow his career from the time of his unexpected ascendancy to the highest office in the land to his ultimate triumph in 1948. The developments on the international and domestic scene, fraught with danger and anxiety for the American public, provided the backdrop which enabled Truman to prove his resourcefulness and courage. This thesis does not pretend to solve the mystery of the 1948 election. Rather it has proven to be an exercise in research instead of a revealing analysis of the presidential campaign. No new material has been made available to the public which would help answer the question of why the press was so consistently wrong in its analysis of the outcome. Nor has the press admitted to an unreasonably biased view of Harry Truman. They maligned him unmercifully, still he prevailed. He was indeed the "uncommonest of common men." Title: Truman's election in 1948 Author: Kump, Mary Peter Year: 1975 You can't judge a book by its cover. The cliche may be trite, nonetheless it is applicable to Harry s. Truman. The feisty Missourian wrested greatness from the hands of his challengers who would have denied it to him because of his background. His lack of a college degree seemed to rankle the press, and as far as they were concerned disqualified him as President of the United States. Based largely on contemporary accounts, this thesis traces the color and drama of Truman's 1948 campaign. In order to appreciate fully the triumph of the President’s victory, it was necessary to follow his career from the time of his unexpected ascendancy to the highest office in the land to his ultimate triumph in 1948. The developments on the international and domestic scene, fraught with danger and anxiety for the American public, provided the backdrop which enabled Truman to prove his resourcefulness and courage. This thesis does not pretend to solve the mystery of the 1948 election. Rather it has proven to be an exercise in research instead of a revealing analysis of the presidential campaign. No new material has been made available to the public which would help answer the question of why the press was so consistently wrong in its analysis of the outcome. Nor has the press admitted to an unreasonably biased view of Harry Truman. They maligned him unmercifully, still he prevailed. He was indeed the "uncommonest of common men." Close

• 356. [Article] Fort Ross, Russian Colony in California, 1811-1841

  The essential objective of this study was to fill a bibliographic void of secondary source material concerning Russian California. This was accomplished by combining available translations and more specific ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Fort Ross, Russian Colony in California, 1811-1841 Author: Mitchell, Kathryn E. Year: 1984 The essential objective of this study was to fill a bibliographic void of secondary source material concerning Russian California. This was accomplished by combining available translations and more specific studies on the subject into one extensive work. Introductory chapters provide: (1) a brief statement regarding Russia's massive eastward expansion through Siberia, to Kamchatka and Alaska; (2) an examination of the nature of the Russian-American Company; and (3) a detailed look at the programs instituted by the Company to provision Alaska and Kamchatka. The establishment of Fort Ross in 1811 is viewed as one of those programs. The settlement's primary function throughout its existence was to send foodstuffs to Russia's northern colonies. The main body of the paper describes fully the structure of the settlement and analyzes the various activities, undertaken by the Russians at Fort Ross, in order to provide grain to the Company. Those activities were sea otter hunting, manufacturing, and agriculture and animal husbandry. In closing, the paper focuses on the Native Californians of Fort Ross, detailing their culture and their relationship with imperialist powers in nineteenth-century California. The industries of Fort Ross--hunting, manufacturing, and husbandry--met with failure. Each endeavor proved to be either inadequate or untimely: The harvesting of pelts was quickly curtailed by the depletion of animal populations; a successful manufacturing enterprise was interrupted by foreign competition; and lack of labor and expertise hindered the Russians' effort to transform the Ross Counter into the Company’s “granary.” The research conducted for this study led to the conclusion that the Russians' decision to abandon their California settlement was finalized when another means to provision the northern colonies became available. A Study of Fort Ross necessarily demands an international historical perspective. A consideration of the Spanish colonial enterprise in Mexico and California, the British activities in the Pacific Northwest, and the increasing strength of the United States on the western coast of North America are essential in understanding the failure of the Russians at Fort Ross and in Alaska. A number of published, primary source materials were used exhaustively to complete this study. A complete selected bibliography is included. Several categories of material were of prime importance. Briefly, they are: (1) correspondence between the Chief Manager of the Russian-American Company colonies in Alaska and the Company’s Main Office in St. Petersburg. These documents are available on microfilm in the National Archives and in Vneshniaia Politika Rossii, Series I and II, edited by N. N. Bolkhovitinov. (2) Journals, kept by navigators who participated in Russian circumnavigations which made calls in the Russian America, are invaluable sources of information on the circumstances of the colonies. (3) Reports of Company employees, such as Kirill T. Klebnikov and Ferdinand P. Wrangell provide important statistical information on agricultural production, otter hunting, manufacturing, and the population of Russian California. As mentioned, secondary sources on Russian California are scarce. However, James R. Gibson's work, Imperial Russia in Frontier America, does offer a thorough treatment of Russian trade and husbandry in California. Title: Fort Ross, Russian Colony in California, 1811-1841 Author: Mitchell, Kathryn E. Year: 1984 The essential objective of this study was to fill a bibliographic void of secondary source material concerning Russian California. This was accomplished by combining available translations and more specific studies on the subject into one extensive work. Introductory chapters provide: (1) a brief statement regarding Russia's massive eastward expansion through Siberia, to Kamchatka and Alaska; (2) an examination of the nature of the Russian-American Company; and (3) a detailed look at the programs instituted by the Company to provision Alaska and Kamchatka. The establishment of Fort Ross in 1811 is viewed as one of those programs. The settlement's primary function throughout its existence was to send foodstuffs to Russia's northern colonies. The main body of the paper describes fully the structure of the settlement and analyzes the various activities, undertaken by the Russians at Fort Ross, in order to provide grain to the Company. Those activities were sea otter hunting, manufacturing, and agriculture and animal husbandry. In closing, the paper focuses on the Native Californians of Fort Ross, detailing their culture and their relationship with imperialist powers in nineteenth-century California. The industries of Fort Ross--hunting, manufacturing, and husbandry--met with failure. Each endeavor proved to be either inadequate or untimely: The harvesting of pelts was quickly curtailed by the depletion of animal populations; a successful manufacturing enterprise was interrupted by foreign competition; and lack of labor and expertise hindered the Russians' effort to transform the Ross Counter into the Company’s “granary.” The research conducted for this study led to the conclusion that the Russians' decision to abandon their California settlement was finalized when another means to provision the northern colonies became available. A Study of Fort Ross necessarily demands an international historical perspective. A consideration of the Spanish colonial enterprise in Mexico and California, the British activities in the Pacific Northwest, and the increasing strength of the United States on the western coast of North America are essential in understanding the failure of the Russians at Fort Ross and in Alaska. A number of published, primary source materials were used exhaustively to complete this study. A complete selected bibliography is included. Several categories of material were of prime importance. Briefly, they are: (1) correspondence between the Chief Manager of the Russian-American Company colonies in Alaska and the Company’s Main Office in St. Petersburg. These documents are available on microfilm in the National Archives and in Vneshniaia Politika Rossii, Series I and II, edited by N. N. Bolkhovitinov. (2) Journals, kept by navigators who participated in Russian circumnavigations which made calls in the Russian America, are invaluable sources of information on the circumstances of the colonies. (3) Reports of Company employees, such as Kirill T. Klebnikov and Ferdinand P. Wrangell provide important statistical information on agricultural production, otter hunting, manufacturing, and the population of Russian California. As mentioned, secondary sources on Russian California are scarce. However, James R. Gibson's work, Imperial Russia in Frontier America, does offer a thorough treatment of Russian trade and husbandry in California. Close

• 357. [Article] The Intellectual Grounding of the San Francisco Committee of Vigilance of 1851

  Vigilantism has a long history in the United States stretching back to the Regulator movement in South Carolina in 1767. These extralegal movements are distinguished from spontaneous and ephemeral mob ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: The Intellectual Grounding of the San Francisco Committee of Vigilance of 1851 Author: Walker, Jon Jeffrey Year: 1993 Vigilantism has a long history in the United States stretching back to the Regulator movement in South Carolina in 1767. These extralegal movements are distinguished from spontaneous and ephemeral mob activity by their regular organization and limited life-span. The San Francisco Committee of Vigilance of 1856 was the largest vigilante movement in American history. After a summer of vigilantism that included four hangings, the committee turned to politics and formed the People’s Party which dominated San Francisco's city government for the next decade. The 1856 committee is generally considered the great exemplar of American vigilantism and has received considerable attention from scholars. San Francisco’s 1856 vigilance committee regarded itself as a reorganization of that city's 1851 Committee of Vigilance. Like its more illustrious offspring, the 1851 committee hanged four men and banished many others. The vigilantes of 1851 did not, however, form a political party. Because of this some scholars have considered the work of the 1851 committee to be incomplete and have deemed it less worthy of attention than the committee of 1856. But in attempting to understand the intellectual grounding of San Francisco's vigilantes, this view is incorrect. The vigilantes in 1856 felt they were carrying on the work of the 1851 committee. Thus, to comprehend the events of 1856 it is necessary to understand the inspiration for the 1851 vigilance committee. The key to vigilantism in San Francisco lies in 1851. An understanding of the spirit which animates vigilantism is valuable because of what it reveals about American concepts of self-government. Vigilantes conceive of their their authority as springing from the same source as does that of the government: the people. San Francisco provides an extraordinary case for the study of notions about popular sovereignty in antebellum America. In order to make sense of what happened in San Francisco in 1851 this thesis first analyzes the political thought and philosophy that had developed in America to that time. It also examines the changing social ethos that came to emphasize equality. The two vigilance committees of San Francisco were a consummation of the political and social developments of antebellum America. I have relied on the extensive secondary literature for my interpretation. San Francisco in 1851 was in the midst of a singular episode in American history: the gold rush. The promise of riches made California the reification of the ideals of equality and opportunity that matured during the antebellum era. For the exploration of California and San Francisco I have used secondary sources and some primary sources, especially the Alta California, one of San Francisco’s newspapers. This reliance on the Alta was in part due to its availability. The attitudes toward vigilantism expressed by the í‘œL후르 were similar to other California newspapers. All of them supported the vigilantes in 1851. The episode of vigilantism in 1851 was a formative experience for the city of San Francisco. It served as an example of popular action and helped to define the limits of such action for the city's residents. The relationship between popular action and government was illuminated in San Francisco. Because of the way in which the people were endowed with power, they could create government and later defy that same government without destroying their creation. Title: The Intellectual Grounding of the San Francisco Committee of Vigilance of 1851 Author: Walker, Jon Jeffrey Year: 1993 Vigilantism has a long history in the United States stretching back to the Regulator movement in South Carolina in 1767. These extralegal movements are distinguished from spontaneous and ephemeral mob activity by their regular organization and limited life-span. The San Francisco Committee of Vigilance of 1856 was the largest vigilante movement in American history. After a summer of vigilantism that included four hangings, the committee turned to politics and formed the People’s Party which dominated San Francisco's city government for the next decade. The 1856 committee is generally considered the great exemplar of American vigilantism and has received considerable attention from scholars. San Francisco’s 1856 vigilance committee regarded itself as a reorganization of that city's 1851 Committee of Vigilance. Like its more illustrious offspring, the 1851 committee hanged four men and banished many others. The vigilantes of 1851 did not, however, form a political party. Because of this some scholars have considered the work of the 1851 committee to be incomplete and have deemed it less worthy of attention than the committee of 1856. But in attempting to understand the intellectual grounding of San Francisco's vigilantes, this view is incorrect. The vigilantes in 1856 felt they were carrying on the work of the 1851 committee. Thus, to comprehend the events of 1856 it is necessary to understand the inspiration for the 1851 vigilance committee. The key to vigilantism in San Francisco lies in 1851. An understanding of the spirit which animates vigilantism is valuable because of what it reveals about American concepts of self-government. Vigilantes conceive of their their authority as springing from the same source as does that of the government: the people. San Francisco provides an extraordinary case for the study of notions about popular sovereignty in antebellum America. In order to make sense of what happened in San Francisco in 1851 this thesis first analyzes the political thought and philosophy that had developed in America to that time. It also examines the changing social ethos that came to emphasize equality. The two vigilance committees of San Francisco were a consummation of the political and social developments of antebellum America. I have relied on the extensive secondary literature for my interpretation. San Francisco in 1851 was in the midst of a singular episode in American history: the gold rush. The promise of riches made California the reification of the ideals of equality and opportunity that matured during the antebellum era. For the exploration of California and San Francisco I have used secondary sources and some primary sources, especially the Alta California, one of San Francisco’s newspapers. This reliance on the Alta was in part due to its availability. The attitudes toward vigilantism expressed by the í‘œL후르 were similar to other California newspapers. All of them supported the vigilantes in 1851. The episode of vigilantism in 1851 was a formative experience for the city of San Francisco. It served as an example of popular action and helped to define the limits of such action for the city's residents. The relationship between popular action and government was illuminated in San Francisco. Because of the way in which the people were endowed with power, they could create government and later defy that same government without destroying their creation. Close

• 358. [Article] A Town on Fire: The Copperfield Affair of 1914

  In 1914, Copperfield, Oregon was militarily occupied by order of the governor, Oswald West. Its town government was deposed, the city officials were arrested, and the town's saloons were closed and all ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: A Town on Fire: The Copperfield Affair of 1914 Author: Shepard, Daniel Joseph Year: 2015 In 1914, Copperfield, Oregon was militarily occupied by order of the governor, Oswald West. Its town government was deposed, the city officials were arrested, and the town's saloons were closed and all liquor and gambling devices were seized. The town, previous to Governor West's interdiction, had seen a breakdown into violence and arson between two competing saloon cliques. The resulting martial law of Copperfield and subsequent court battles between the governor and Copperfield's saloonkeepers would become known as the Copperfield Affair. The purpose of this study is to explain how and why the Copperfield Affair happened. The event which precipitated the Copperfield Affair was the collapse of the town's economy. Copperfield was a frontier town, which placed it at greater risk of economic failure. The failure of the two construction projects necessary for its economic success led to a violent contest for customers among the town's three saloons, resulting in several arsons, eventually drawing Governor West's attention to the town. The Temperance Movement in Oregon is a second factor influencing why the Copperfield Affair occurred. Governor West cared about the problems of a failed town in the middle of nowhere, because he was a proponent of prohibition and the violence in Copperfield presented an opportunity to make a statement for the Temperance Movement. Finally, Governor West relied on the concurrent evolution of two important definitions relevant to the state executive. One was the increasingly general definition of martial law and how it could be used by the governor. This definition, by 1914, allowed Governor West to legally occupy Copperfield. Second, the development of the Progressive Movement at the beginning of the twentieth century also coincided with greater public desire for a powerful and energetic executive in order to achieve reform. Governor West personified the Progressive executive, as a person who got things done and supported the sort of social reforms the Movement favored, like temperance. By combining the development of a powerful state executive, with great military powers, a governor and public in favor of prohibition, and a weak frontier town suffering violence from the liquor trade, we arrive at a situation which keenly encapsulates a moment in time in Oregon history, one in which a governor would use such extreme measures to crack down on what was a local squabble. Title: A Town on Fire: The Copperfield Affair of 1914 Author: Shepard, Daniel Joseph Year: 2015 In 1914, Copperfield, Oregon was militarily occupied by order of the governor, Oswald West. Its town government was deposed, the city officials were arrested, and the town's saloons were closed and all liquor and gambling devices were seized. The town, previous to Governor West's interdiction, had seen a breakdown into violence and arson between two competing saloon cliques. The resulting martial law of Copperfield and subsequent court battles between the governor and Copperfield's saloonkeepers would become known as the Copperfield Affair. The purpose of this study is to explain how and why the Copperfield Affair happened. The event which precipitated the Copperfield Affair was the collapse of the town's economy. Copperfield was a frontier town, which placed it at greater risk of economic failure. The failure of the two construction projects necessary for its economic success led to a violent contest for customers among the town's three saloons, resulting in several arsons, eventually drawing Governor West's attention to the town. The Temperance Movement in Oregon is a second factor influencing why the Copperfield Affair occurred. Governor West cared about the problems of a failed town in the middle of nowhere, because he was a proponent of prohibition and the violence in Copperfield presented an opportunity to make a statement for the Temperance Movement. Finally, Governor West relied on the concurrent evolution of two important definitions relevant to the state executive. One was the increasingly general definition of martial law and how it could be used by the governor. This definition, by 1914, allowed Governor West to legally occupy Copperfield. Second, the development of the Progressive Movement at the beginning of the twentieth century also coincided with greater public desire for a powerful and energetic executive in order to achieve reform. Governor West personified the Progressive executive, as a person who got things done and supported the sort of social reforms the Movement favored, like temperance. By combining the development of a powerful state executive, with great military powers, a governor and public in favor of prohibition, and a weak frontier town suffering violence from the liquor trade, we arrive at a situation which keenly encapsulates a moment in time in Oregon history, one in which a governor would use such extreme measures to crack down on what was a local squabble. Close

• 359. [Article] Working for the "Working River": Willamette River Water Pollution, 1926 to 1962

  Efforts to abate Willamette River pollution between 1926 and 1962 centered on a struggle between abatement advocates and the two primary polluters in the watershed, the City of Portland and the pulp and ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Working for the "Working River": Willamette River Water Pollution, 1926 to 1962 Author: Hillegas, James Vincent Year: 2009 Efforts to abate Willamette River pollution between 1926 and 1962 centered on a struggle between abatement advocates and the two primary polluters in the watershed, the City of Portland and the pulp and paper industry. Throughout the twentieth century, the Willamette was by far the most heavily populated and industrialized watershed in Oregon. Like many other of the world's rivers, the Willamette was an integral part of municipal and industrial waste removal systems. As such, the main stem of the river carried the combined wastes from sewage outfalls serving hundreds of thousands of people and millions of gallons daily of pulp and paper making effluents. Exacerbating the impacts of these pollutants on the Willamette were unavoidable geologic and hydrologic constraints impacting the river's flow and, therefore, the river's ability to dilute wastes. As the pollution load in the Willamette River increased throughout the twentieth century, accustomed activities such as recreation, sports fishing, and commercial fishing, were constrained. The polluted water also threatened potential uses of the river, such as tourism and expanded recreation after World War II. To address these concerns, beginning in 1926 clean streams advocates created ad hoc groups of public health experts, sanitary engineers, conservationists, sportsmen, and others to pressure Portland officials and industry representatives to cease polluting the river. In November 1938, continued activism and lobbying from these groups led to the passage of a citizen's initiative creating the Oregon State Sanitary Authority (OSSA). From 1939 to 1962, the OSSA took the lead in the water pollution abatement issue and realized some limited successes including pushing Portland and other cities to build sewage treatment plants and regulating pulp and paper mill discharges. However, in spite of these accomplishments, the issue of water quality grew more complex and difficult through the 1950s, as reflected in Tom McCall's November 1962 television documentary Pollution in Paradise. Title: Working for the "Working River": Willamette River Water Pollution, 1926 to 1962 Author: Hillegas, James Vincent Year: 2009 Efforts to abate Willamette River pollution between 1926 and 1962 centered on a struggle between abatement advocates and the two primary polluters in the watershed, the City of Portland and the pulp and paper industry. Throughout the twentieth century, the Willamette was by far the most heavily populated and industrialized watershed in Oregon. Like many other of the world's rivers, the Willamette was an integral part of municipal and industrial waste removal systems. As such, the main stem of the river carried the combined wastes from sewage outfalls serving hundreds of thousands of people and millions of gallons daily of pulp and paper making effluents. Exacerbating the impacts of these pollutants on the Willamette were unavoidable geologic and hydrologic constraints impacting the river's flow and, therefore, the river's ability to dilute wastes. As the pollution load in the Willamette River increased throughout the twentieth century, accustomed activities such as recreation, sports fishing, and commercial fishing, were constrained. The polluted water also threatened potential uses of the river, such as tourism and expanded recreation after World War II. To address these concerns, beginning in 1926 clean streams advocates created ad hoc groups of public health experts, sanitary engineers, conservationists, sportsmen, and others to pressure Portland officials and industry representatives to cease polluting the river. In November 1938, continued activism and lobbying from these groups led to the passage of a citizen's initiative creating the Oregon State Sanitary Authority (OSSA). From 1939 to 1962, the OSSA took the lead in the water pollution abatement issue and realized some limited successes including pushing Portland and other cities to build sewage treatment plants and regulating pulp and paper mill discharges. However, in spite of these accomplishments, the issue of water quality grew more complex and difficult through the 1950s, as reflected in Tom McCall's November 1962 television documentary Pollution in Paradise. Close

• 360. [Article] The political role of religious pacifism during the inter-war years

  The purpose of this paper is to attempt to make a judgment concerning the effectiveness of the selected political actions of certain religious peace groups during the inter-war years. Information was obtained ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: The political role of religious pacifism during the inter-war years Author: Nance, Ancil K. Year: 1971 The purpose of this paper is to attempt to make a judgment concerning the effectiveness of the selected political actions of certain religious peace groups during the inter-war years. Information was obtained from the Portland State University Library, the Multnomah County Library, the Methodist Episcopal Church of Oregon office, the national offices of the American Friends Service Committee, the National Council of Churches, and the Fellowship of Reconciliation. Conversations with people who had been involved with the peace movement included Roland Bainton, Jerome Davis, G. Bernhard Fedde, Carlin Kapper-Johnson, and Mark Chamberlin. Periodicals that provided much of the information about events and opinion during the twenties and thirties were: the New York Times, The New Republic, The Nation, Harper’s Magazine, and The World Tomorrow. A number of books concerning the peace movement were especially useful; those books were: Boeckel’s Turn Toward Peace, Bowman’s The Church of the Brethren and War, 1708-1941, Curti’s Peace or War, Pickett’s For More Than Bread, and Vining’s Friend of Life. Information from those sources showed that the religious pacifists were able to influence the course of events relating to the Mexican Crisis of 1927, the Washington Disarmament Conference, the Peace Pact to Outlaw War, the Russian famine relief effort, and the status of conscientious objectors. In some way the final outcome of each of these issues was affected by the actions of religious pacifists: a possible war with Mexico was avoided, disarmament was attempted, war was outlawed, many lives were saved in Russia, and conscientious objectors were given a legal status that was better than what they had had during the First World War. Title: The political role of religious pacifism during the inter-war years Author: Nance, Ancil K. Year: 1971 The purpose of this paper is to attempt to make a judgment concerning the effectiveness of the selected political actions of certain religious peace groups during the inter-war years. Information was obtained from the Portland State University Library, the Multnomah County Library, the Methodist Episcopal Church of Oregon office, the national offices of the American Friends Service Committee, the National Council of Churches, and the Fellowship of Reconciliation. Conversations with people who had been involved with the peace movement included Roland Bainton, Jerome Davis, G. Bernhard Fedde, Carlin Kapper-Johnson, and Mark Chamberlin. Periodicals that provided much of the information about events and opinion during the twenties and thirties were: the New York Times, The New Republic, The Nation, Harper’s Magazine, and The World Tomorrow. A number of books concerning the peace movement were especially useful; those books were: Boeckel’s Turn Toward Peace, Bowman’s The Church of the Brethren and War, 1708-1941, Curti’s Peace or War, Pickett’s For More Than Bread, and Vining’s Friend of Life. Information from those sources showed that the religious pacifists were able to influence the course of events relating to the Mexican Crisis of 1927, the Washington Disarmament Conference, the Peace Pact to Outlaw War, the Russian famine relief effort, and the status of conscientious objectors. In some way the final outcome of each of these issues was affected by the actions of religious pacifists: a possible war with Mexico was avoided, disarmament was attempted, war was outlawed, many lives were saved in Russia, and conscientious objectors were given a legal status that was better than what they had had during the First World War. Close