Search

Search Results

• 1. [Article] The origin of property in land: Paul Vinogradoff and the late XIXth century English historians

  One of the problems which has intrigued English historians for over a hundred years is that of the position of the common man in early England. Was he a freeman working land held communally by the village, ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: The origin of property in land: Paul Vinogradoff and the late XIXth century English historians Author: Stoel, Caroline Phillips Year: 1973 One of the problems which has intrigued English historians for over a hundred years is that of the position of the common man in early England. Was he a freeman working land held communally by the village, or was he a serf laboring upon the land of an overlord? Since this question of freedom is inextricably interwoven with landholding concepts the problem may also be stated another way: Did private property in land exist from the earliest times, or is that institution the result of centuries of appropriation by individuals of land originally belonging to the commmunity as a whole? In the late 19th century a group of English historians devoted themselves to the study of this problem. The conclusions they reached varied considerably. The purpose of this essay is to examine some of those conclusions and the suppositions upon which they rest and to attempt to find methodological and ideological differences which may account for the varied results. The study will focus upon Paul Vinogradoff (1854-1925), legal historian and jurisprudential scholar, whose best known works are concerned with this subject. Toward the end of the 18th century there developed in Germany a theory of the beginnings of society, known as the Mark theory, which described those beginnings as an idyllic period when mankind lived together in free communities. English historians found this thesis much to their liking: it fitted well with English ideals of freedom and democracy, and it supported popular belief in a strong Germanic, rather than Roman, influence in the development of English institutions. Beginning with John M. Kemble' s Saxons in England in 1849, English historians almost to a man accepted the theory without critical examination of the authorities upon which it rested. In 1883 however, an amateur historian, Frederic Seebohm, in The English Villa Community challenged the Mark theory and asserted that the English common man was originally a serf laboring on an estate which strongly resembled the Roman villa. Paul Vinogradoff, a talented Russian working in England on early agrarian history, sought new proof to sustain the cause of the common free man. In Villainage in England (1892) he attempted to prove that the early villein was free both legally and economically. He was supported by Frederic Maitland in Domesday Book and Beyond (1897), who found in the Domesday survey proof of vestigial freedom, which he held could only mean that the once free villein had lost much of his liberty during the late Anglo-Saxon period, and that his subjection was completed by the Norman conquerors. William Ashley, in several works, supported Seebohm' s position, but did not always agree with him. All four historians were products of conservative background. There were, however, differences in the more intimate details of their social surroundings, differences of family, education, religion, and in the case of Vinogradoff, of national origin. Vinogradoff and Maitland came from economically secure families, who provided for them the best education available; they were religious agnostics; both were legal historians. Seebohm’s and Ashleys families were not affluent, and the education they obtained came primarily from their own efforts; both were devout members of evangelical faiths; Ashley was an economic historian and Seebohm's best works were in the field of early agrarian history. Each of these men read the sparse evidence available on the subject from a particular point of view. Vinogradoff and Maitland concluded that the early English peasant was free and that his fall from freedom to serfdom during the late Anglo-Saxon and early Norman periods was due to a large extent to a misinterpretation of his legal status. Seebohm and Ashley held he had been a serf from the time of the Teutonic settlements, and that his legal rights were never as important as his economic position. Title: The origin of property in land: Paul Vinogradoff and the late XIXth century English historians Author: Stoel, Caroline Phillips Year: 1973 One of the problems which has intrigued English historians for over a hundred years is that of the position of the common man in early England. Was he a freeman working land held communally by the village, or was he a serf laboring upon the land of an overlord? Since this question of freedom is inextricably interwoven with landholding concepts the problem may also be stated another way: Did private property in land exist from the earliest times, or is that institution the result of centuries of appropriation by individuals of land originally belonging to the commmunity as a whole? In the late 19th century a group of English historians devoted themselves to the study of this problem. The conclusions they reached varied considerably. The purpose of this essay is to examine some of those conclusions and the suppositions upon which they rest and to attempt to find methodological and ideological differences which may account for the varied results. The study will focus upon Paul Vinogradoff (1854-1925), legal historian and jurisprudential scholar, whose best known works are concerned with this subject. Toward the end of the 18th century there developed in Germany a theory of the beginnings of society, known as the Mark theory, which described those beginnings as an idyllic period when mankind lived together in free communities. English historians found this thesis much to their liking: it fitted well with English ideals of freedom and democracy, and it supported popular belief in a strong Germanic, rather than Roman, influence in the development of English institutions. Beginning with John M. Kemble' s Saxons in England in 1849, English historians almost to a man accepted the theory without critical examination of the authorities upon which it rested. In 1883 however, an amateur historian, Frederic Seebohm, in The English Villa Community challenged the Mark theory and asserted that the English common man was originally a serf laboring on an estate which strongly resembled the Roman villa. Paul Vinogradoff, a talented Russian working in England on early agrarian history, sought new proof to sustain the cause of the common free man. In Villainage in England (1892) he attempted to prove that the early villein was free both legally and economically. He was supported by Frederic Maitland in Domesday Book and Beyond (1897), who found in the Domesday survey proof of vestigial freedom, which he held could only mean that the once free villein had lost much of his liberty during the late Anglo-Saxon period, and that his subjection was completed by the Norman conquerors. William Ashley, in several works, supported Seebohm' s position, but did not always agree with him. All four historians were products of conservative background. There were, however, differences in the more intimate details of their social surroundings, differences of family, education, religion, and in the case of Vinogradoff, of national origin. Vinogradoff and Maitland came from economically secure families, who provided for them the best education available; they were religious agnostics; both were legal historians. Seebohm’s and Ashleys families were not affluent, and the education they obtained came primarily from their own efforts; both were devout members of evangelical faiths; Ashley was an economic historian and Seebohm's best works were in the field of early agrarian history. Each of these men read the sparse evidence available on the subject from a particular point of view. Vinogradoff and Maitland concluded that the early English peasant was free and that his fall from freedom to serfdom during the late Anglo-Saxon and early Norman periods was due to a large extent to a misinterpretation of his legal status. Seebohm and Ashley held he had been a serf from the time of the Teutonic settlements, and that his legal rights were never as important as his economic position. Close

• 2. [Article] (Re)Presenting Peoples and Storied Lands: Public Presentation of Archaeology and Representation of Native Americans in Selected Western U.S. Protected Areas

  Every year, hundreds of thousands of people visit the Native American ancestral lands in the western United States developed for tourism and recreation. The stewards of these lands seek to engage visitors ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: (Re)Presenting Peoples and Storied Lands: Public Presentation of Archaeology and Representation of Native Americans in Selected Western U.S. Protected Areas Author: Survant, Cerinda Year: 2016 Every year, hundreds of thousands of people visit the Native American ancestral lands in the western United States developed for tourism and recreation. The stewards of these lands seek to engage visitors and enrich their experience, and simultaneously to protect the lands' natural and cultural resources. To achieve their mission, protected areas regularly use interpretation -- materials and experiences that aim to educate visitors about resources and see them as personally meaningful. However, there is little literature on interpretive content in protected areas, few qualitative studies of interpretation as constructed by visitors and interpreters, and little literature on the representation of Native Americans in museums and protected areas. I consider the public presentation of archaeology at exemplary protected areas in the U.S. Southwest and Great Basin within a theoretical framework of governmentality and representation. Within a mixed-method research design, this project used participant-observation at thirteen protected area locales to identify interpretive content and representational strategies, and semi-structured interviews with 31 individuals to elicit staff and visitors' understandings of interpretation and display. This research found three types of narratives in the interpretation sampled-- scientific narratives, cultural narratives, and management messages. In general, scientific narratives appeared more frequently than cultural narratives and both appeared more frequently than management messages. Archaeology dominated scientific narratives, cultural continuity dominated cultural narratives, and orientation dominated management messages. In general, archaeology appeared with greater relative frequency than any other component of interpretive content. This study also found that interpretation predominantly adopted a third-person omniscient point of view and represented people predominantly in the ancient past. This study has both academic and applied outcomes. The work aims to contribute to the scant body of literature on interpretive content in protected areas stewarding natural and cultural resources, the few qualitative studies of interpretation as constructed by visitors and interpreters, and the existing literature on the representation of Native Americans in museums and protected areas as well as informing future interpretive practice. These findings inform a report on contemporary interpretive practice and recommendations for the public presentation of archaeology delivered to the US Fish and Wildlife Service in December 2013. Title: (Re)Presenting Peoples and Storied Lands: Public Presentation of Archaeology and Representation of Native Americans in Selected Western U.S. Protected Areas Author: Survant, Cerinda Year: 2016 Every year, hundreds of thousands of people visit the Native American ancestral lands in the western United States developed for tourism and recreation. The stewards of these lands seek to engage visitors and enrich their experience, and simultaneously to protect the lands' natural and cultural resources. To achieve their mission, protected areas regularly use interpretation -- materials and experiences that aim to educate visitors about resources and see them as personally meaningful. However, there is little literature on interpretive content in protected areas, few qualitative studies of interpretation as constructed by visitors and interpreters, and little literature on the representation of Native Americans in museums and protected areas. I consider the public presentation of archaeology at exemplary protected areas in the U.S. Southwest and Great Basin within a theoretical framework of governmentality and representation. Within a mixed-method research design, this project used participant-observation at thirteen protected area locales to identify interpretive content and representational strategies, and semi-structured interviews with 31 individuals to elicit staff and visitors' understandings of interpretation and display. This research found three types of narratives in the interpretation sampled-- scientific narratives, cultural narratives, and management messages. In general, scientific narratives appeared more frequently than cultural narratives and both appeared more frequently than management messages. Archaeology dominated scientific narratives, cultural continuity dominated cultural narratives, and orientation dominated management messages. In general, archaeology appeared with greater relative frequency than any other component of interpretive content. This study also found that interpretation predominantly adopted a third-person omniscient point of view and represented people predominantly in the ancient past. This study has both academic and applied outcomes. The work aims to contribute to the scant body of literature on interpretive content in protected areas stewarding natural and cultural resources, the few qualitative studies of interpretation as constructed by visitors and interpreters, and the existing literature on the representation of Native Americans in museums and protected areas as well as informing future interpretive practice. These findings inform a report on contemporary interpretive practice and recommendations for the public presentation of archaeology delivered to the US Fish and Wildlife Service in December 2013. Close

• 3. [Article] Album 15, Photo #29

  Will Rutherford, brother of Otto, aged 14 years

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Album 15, Photo #29 Author: Rutherford Family Year: 1922 Will Rutherford, brother of Otto, aged 14 years Title: Album 15, Photo #29 Author: Rutherford Family Year: 1922 Will Rutherford, brother of Otto, aged 14 years Close

• 4. [Article] Album 15, Photo #19

  From back of photo: "Billy Rutherford, Columbia, SC, age 12, grade 7, To Uncle Will"

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Album 15, Photo #19 Author: Rutherford Family Year: 1953 From back of photo: "Billy Rutherford, Columbia, SC, age 12, grade 7, To Uncle Will" Title: Album 15, Photo #19 Author: Rutherford Family Year: 1953 From back of photo: "Billy Rutherford, Columbia, SC, age 12, grade 7, To Uncle Will" Close

• 5. [Article] Album 15, Photo #06

  Rutherford home in Columbia, SC

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Album 15, Photo #06 Author: Rutherford Family Year: 1897 Rutherford home in Columbia, SC Title: Album 15, Photo #06 Author: Rutherford Family Year: 1897 Rutherford home in Columbia, SC Close

• 6. [Article] Album 15, Photo #03

  Lottie White Rutherford, mother to Otto Rutherford

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Album 15, Photo #03 Author: Rutherford Family Year: 1898 Lottie White Rutherford, mother to Otto Rutherford Title: Album 15, Photo #03 Author: Rutherford Family Year: 1898 Lottie White Rutherford, mother to Otto Rutherford Close

• 7. [Article] Album 15, Photo #22

  "George Hardin: Portland's First Black Policeman"

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Album 15, Photo #22 Author: Rutherford Family Year: 1894 "George Hardin: Portland's First Black Policeman" Title: Album 15, Photo #22 Author: Rutherford Family Year: 1894 "George Hardin: Portland's First Black Policeman" Close

• 8. [Article] Album 15, Photo #18

  Portrait

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Album 15, Photo #18 Author: Rutherford Family Year: 1926 Portrait Title: Album 15, Photo #18 Author: Rutherford Family Year: 1926 Portrait Close

• 9. [Article] Album 15, Photo #14

  W.H. Rutherford, Sr.

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Album 15, Photo #14 Author: Rutherford Family Year: 1898 W.H. Rutherford, Sr. Title: Album 15, Photo #14 Author: Rutherford Family Year: 1898 W.H. Rutherford, Sr. Close

• 10. [Article] Album 15, Photo #13

  W.H. Rutherford, Sr, grandfather to Otto, Hot Springs, Arkansas. Born into slavery in 1852, Rutherford was educated and emancipated by his slave owner father. Married Cornelia Hunt (b. 1852). From back ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Album 15, Photo #13 Author: Rutherford Family Year: 1895 W.H. Rutherford, Sr, grandfather to Otto, Hot Springs, Arkansas. Born into slavery in 1852, Rutherford was educated and emancipated by his slave owner father. Married Cornelia Hunt (b. 1852). From back of photo: "W. H. Rutherford: Oct 5, 1852-Sept 22, 1910. Earle Wayne Rutherford's great-great grandfather" Title: Album 15, Photo #13 Author: Rutherford Family Year: 1895 W.H. Rutherford, Sr, grandfather to Otto, Hot Springs, Arkansas. Born into slavery in 1852, Rutherford was educated and emancipated by his slave owner father. Married Cornelia Hunt (b. 1852). From back of photo: "W. H. Rutherford: Oct 5, 1852-Sept 22, 1910. Earle Wayne Rutherford's great-great grandfather" Close