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• 1. [Article] Structure and Dynamics of Household Hazardous Wastes

  Municipal Solid wastes--the majority of which are household refuse--have, increasingly been implicated as a source of hazardous materials in landfill leachate discharges (U.S. EPA 1988). Data collected ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Structure and Dynamics of Household Hazardous Wastes Author: Wilson, Douglas C., Rathje, William L. Year: 1989 Municipal Solid wastes--the majority of which are household refuse--have, increasingly been implicated as a source of hazardous materials in landfill leachate discharges (U.S. EPA 1988). Data collected on the components of these wastes are critical for solid wastes systems planning--especially landfill design, hazardous materials collection systems, and resource recovery. A number of recent studies by the University of Arizona's Garbage Project have identified household products as a possible source of hazardous materials in landfills (Wilson 1985, Rathje et al. 1987a, 1987b). Studies have addressed (1) the definition of these "household hazardous wastes" (HHW), (2) the characteristics of HHW from hands-on analyses of residential solid wastes in four United States study cities and Mexico City, Mexico, (3) the relationships between derived waste characteristics and within-study city Socioeconomic variability and variability between the regions studied and (4) the potential biodegradation pathways and characteristics of municipal landfill leachates. Results of these studies suggest that: (1) While HHW comprises a very small proportion of the total residential solid wastes, total quantities generated per year are quite high. (2) Significant differences in HHW discard rates are observed between both study communities and census tracts within study communities. (3) Socioeconomic variability between census tracts (within study communities), are related to the differential discard of HHW and, we believe, can be used to estimate characteristics of HHW in U.S. cities without necessitating further large-scale, costly, refuse sorts. (4) Long-term discard trends for HHW may influence the levels of risk associated with these wastes. Garbage Project HHW studies have been funded at the national level by the Water Quality Engineering Division of the National Science Foundation and the Office of Solid Wastes of the Environmental Protection Agency and at the local level by city and county governments, private research organizations, and university departments. Title: Structure and Dynamics of Household Hazardous Wastes Author: Wilson, Douglas C., Rathje, William L. Year: 1989 Municipal Solid wastes--the majority of which are household refuse--have, increasingly been implicated as a source of hazardous materials in landfill leachate discharges (U.S. EPA 1988). Data collected on the components of these wastes are critical for solid wastes systems planning--especially landfill design, hazardous materials collection systems, and resource recovery. A number of recent studies by the University of Arizona's Garbage Project have identified household products as a possible source of hazardous materials in landfills (Wilson 1985, Rathje et al. 1987a, 1987b). Studies have addressed (1) the definition of these "household hazardous wastes" (HHW), (2) the characteristics of HHW from hands-on analyses of residential solid wastes in four United States study cities and Mexico City, Mexico, (3) the relationships between derived waste characteristics and within-study city Socioeconomic variability and variability between the regions studied and (4) the potential biodegradation pathways and characteristics of municipal landfill leachates. Results of these studies suggest that: (1) While HHW comprises a very small proportion of the total residential solid wastes, total quantities generated per year are quite high. (2) Significant differences in HHW discard rates are observed between both study communities and census tracts within study communities. (3) Socioeconomic variability between census tracts (within study communities), are related to the differential discard of HHW and, we believe, can be used to estimate characteristics of HHW in U.S. cities without necessitating further large-scale, costly, refuse sorts. (4) Long-term discard trends for HHW may influence the levels of risk associated with these wastes. Garbage Project HHW studies have been funded at the national level by the Water Quality Engineering Division of the National Science Foundation and the Office of Solid Wastes of the Environmental Protection Agency and at the local level by city and county governments, private research organizations, and university departments. Close

• 2. [Article] Study of Prestige and Resource Control Using Fish Remains from Cathlapotle, a Plankhouse Village on the Lower Columbia River

  Social inequality is a trademark of Northwest Coast native societies, and the relationship between social prestige and resource control, particularly resource ownership, is an important research issue ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Study of Prestige and Resource Control Using Fish Remains from Cathlapotle, a Plankhouse Village on the Lower Columbia River Author: Rosenberg, J. Shoshana Year: 2015 Social inequality is a trademark of Northwest Coast native societies, and the relationship between social prestige and resource control, particularly resource ownership, is an important research issue on the Northwest Coast. Faunal remains are one potential but as yet underutilized path for examining this relationship. My thesis work takes on this approach through the analysis of fish remains from the Cathlapotle archaeological site (45CL1). Cathlapotle is a large Chinookan village site located on the Lower Columbia River that was extensively excavated in the 1990s. Previous work has established prestige distinctions between houses and house compartments, making it possible to examine the relationship between prestige and the spatial distribution of fish remains. In this study, I examine whether having high prestige afforded its bearers greater access to preferred fish, utilizing comparisons of fish remains at two different levels of social organization, between and within households, to determine which social mechanisms could account for potential differences in access to fish resources. Differential access to these resources within the village could have occurred through household-level ownership of harvesting sites or control over the post-harvesting distribution of food by certain individuals. Previous work in this region on the relationship between faunal remains and prestige has relied heavily on ethnohistoric sources to determine the relative value of taxa. These sources do not provide adequate data to make detailed comparisons between all of the taxa encountered at archaeological sites, so in this study I utilize optimal foraging theory as an alternative means of determining which fish taxa were preferred. Optimal foraging theory provides a universal, quantitative analytical rule for ranking fish that I was able to apply to all of the taxa encountered at Cathlapotle. Given these rankings, which are based primarily on size, I examine the degree to which relative prestige designations of two households (Houses 1 and 4) and compartments within one of those households (House 1) are reflected in the spatial distribution of fish remains. I also offer a new method for quantifying sturgeon that utilizes specimen weight to account for differential fragmentation rates while still allowing for sturgeon abundance to be compared to the abundances of other taxa that have been quantified by number of identified specimens (NISP). Based on remains recovered from 1/4" mesh screens, comparisons between compartments within House 1 indicate that the chief and possibly other elite members of House 1 likely had some control over the distribution of fish resources within their household, taking more of the preferred sturgeon and salmon, particularly more chinook salmon, for themselves. Comparisons between households provide little evidence to support household-based ownership of fishing sites. A greater abundance of chinook salmon in the higher prestige House 1 may indicate ownership of fishing platforms at major chinook fisheries such as Willamette Falls or Cascades Rapids, but other explanations for this difference between households are possible. Analyses of a limited number of bulk samples, which were included in the study in order to examine utilization of very small fishes, provided insufficient data to allow for meaningful intrasite comparisons. These data indicate that the inhabitants of Cathlapotle were exploiting a broad fish subsistence base that included large numbers of eulachon and stickleback in addition to the larger fishes. This study provides a promising approach for examining prestige on the Northwest Coast and expanding our understanding of the dynamics between social inequality and resource access and control. Title: Study of Prestige and Resource Control Using Fish Remains from Cathlapotle, a Plankhouse Village on the Lower Columbia River Author: Rosenberg, J. Shoshana Year: 2015 Social inequality is a trademark of Northwest Coast native societies, and the relationship between social prestige and resource control, particularly resource ownership, is an important research issue on the Northwest Coast. Faunal remains are one potential but as yet underutilized path for examining this relationship. My thesis work takes on this approach through the analysis of fish remains from the Cathlapotle archaeological site (45CL1). Cathlapotle is a large Chinookan village site located on the Lower Columbia River that was extensively excavated in the 1990s. Previous work has established prestige distinctions between houses and house compartments, making it possible to examine the relationship between prestige and the spatial distribution of fish remains. In this study, I examine whether having high prestige afforded its bearers greater access to preferred fish, utilizing comparisons of fish remains at two different levels of social organization, between and within households, to determine which social mechanisms could account for potential differences in access to fish resources. Differential access to these resources within the village could have occurred through household-level ownership of harvesting sites or control over the post-harvesting distribution of food by certain individuals. Previous work in this region on the relationship between faunal remains and prestige has relied heavily on ethnohistoric sources to determine the relative value of taxa. These sources do not provide adequate data to make detailed comparisons between all of the taxa encountered at archaeological sites, so in this study I utilize optimal foraging theory as an alternative means of determining which fish taxa were preferred. Optimal foraging theory provides a universal, quantitative analytical rule for ranking fish that I was able to apply to all of the taxa encountered at Cathlapotle. Given these rankings, which are based primarily on size, I examine the degree to which relative prestige designations of two households (Houses 1 and 4) and compartments within one of those households (House 1) are reflected in the spatial distribution of fish remains. I also offer a new method for quantifying sturgeon that utilizes specimen weight to account for differential fragmentation rates while still allowing for sturgeon abundance to be compared to the abundances of other taxa that have been quantified by number of identified specimens (NISP). Based on remains recovered from 1/4" mesh screens, comparisons between compartments within House 1 indicate that the chief and possibly other elite members of House 1 likely had some control over the distribution of fish resources within their household, taking more of the preferred sturgeon and salmon, particularly more chinook salmon, for themselves. Comparisons between households provide little evidence to support household-based ownership of fishing sites. A greater abundance of chinook salmon in the higher prestige House 1 may indicate ownership of fishing platforms at major chinook fisheries such as Willamette Falls or Cascades Rapids, but other explanations for this difference between households are possible. Analyses of a limited number of bulk samples, which were included in the study in order to examine utilization of very small fishes, provided insufficient data to allow for meaningful intrasite comparisons. These data indicate that the inhabitants of Cathlapotle were exploiting a broad fish subsistence base that included large numbers of eulachon and stickleback in addition to the larger fishes. This study provides a promising approach for examining prestige on the Northwest Coast and expanding our understanding of the dynamics between social inequality and resource access and control. Close

• 3. [Article] The Spatial Distribution of Ground Stone Tools as a Marker of Status Differentials in a Chinookan Plank House on the Lower Columbia River

  Social status was an integral part of the social structure of Northwest Coast societies. The presence of ranked social structures and household space based on rank is reported in the ethnographic literature. ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: The Spatial Distribution of Ground Stone Tools as a Marker of Status Differentials in a Chinookan Plank House on the Lower Columbia River Author: Wolf, John William Year: 1994 Social status was an integral part of the social structure of Northwest Coast societies. The presence of ranked social structures and household space based on rank is reported in the ethnographic literature. Archaeologists have long searched for independent and verifiable means to infer social structure from archaeological deposits. Burial goods have been used to identify status differences. Do other items of material culture also reflect such differences? The purpose of this study was to ascertain whether or not the distribution of certain tools recovered from a Chinookan plank house on the lower Columbia River paralleled the household residence location that was keyed to social status. Among Northwest Coast societies the household was the basic social and economic unit. Ground stone tools were selected for study because they include tools which were instrumental parts of a technology that depended upon highly organized and scheduled activities, i.e. fishing and house construction. If these tools were controlled by particular individuals or families within the household, their archaeological deposition might reflect social status differences. Two questions were asked in this study. (1) What is the correlation between the volume of sediment excavated and the number of ground stone artifacts recovered from the house? (2) What is the relationship between residence location and the density of ground stone artifacts recovered from the house? The ground stone artifacts were identified, classified and counted. Correlation coefficients between the volumes of sediment excavated and the number of ground stone artifacts recovered showed that the correlation was suspiciously weak, in general, and not correlated for fishing net weights. Some factor other than solely excavation volumes was affecting ground stone artifact counts. To answer the second question linear regressions were performed. They revealed that although location was to some degree a function of the density of ground stone artifacts, that relationship was weak at the .05 significance level. However, the relationship was stronger for fishing net weights. It is likely that there are multiple reasons for ground stone tool distributions and sites must be excavated with broad exposures in order to understand the relationship between residence location and artifact densities. Title: The Spatial Distribution of Ground Stone Tools as a Marker of Status Differentials in a Chinookan Plank House on the Lower Columbia River Author: Wolf, John William Year: 1994 Social status was an integral part of the social structure of Northwest Coast societies. The presence of ranked social structures and household space based on rank is reported in the ethnographic literature. Archaeologists have long searched for independent and verifiable means to infer social structure from archaeological deposits. Burial goods have been used to identify status differences. Do other items of material culture also reflect such differences? The purpose of this study was to ascertain whether or not the distribution of certain tools recovered from a Chinookan plank house on the lower Columbia River paralleled the household residence location that was keyed to social status. Among Northwest Coast societies the household was the basic social and economic unit. Ground stone tools were selected for study because they include tools which were instrumental parts of a technology that depended upon highly organized and scheduled activities, i.e. fishing and house construction. If these tools were controlled by particular individuals or families within the household, their archaeological deposition might reflect social status differences. Two questions were asked in this study. (1) What is the correlation between the volume of sediment excavated and the number of ground stone artifacts recovered from the house? (2) What is the relationship between residence location and the density of ground stone artifacts recovered from the house? The ground stone artifacts were identified, classified and counted. Correlation coefficients between the volumes of sediment excavated and the number of ground stone artifacts recovered showed that the correlation was suspiciously weak, in general, and not correlated for fishing net weights. Some factor other than solely excavation volumes was affecting ground stone artifact counts. To answer the second question linear regressions were performed. They revealed that although location was to some degree a function of the density of ground stone artifacts, that relationship was weak at the .05 significance level. However, the relationship was stronger for fishing net weights. It is likely that there are multiple reasons for ground stone tool distributions and sites must be excavated with broad exposures in order to understand the relationship between residence location and artifact densities. Close

• 4. [Article] The Experimental Reduction of Rock in a Camas Oven: Towards an Understanding of the Behavioral Significance of Fire-cracked Rock

  The selection and management of rock for roasting ovens, hearths, and sweat lodges were not trivial concerns for prehistoric households. The results of replicating a camas roasting oven are used to address ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: The Experimental Reduction of Rock in a Camas Oven: Towards an Understanding of the Behavioral Significance of Fire-cracked Rock Author: Wilson, Douglas C., DeLyria, David V. Year: 1999 The selection and management of rock for roasting ovens, hearths, and sweat lodges were not trivial concerns for prehistoric households. The results of replicating a camas roasting oven are used to address the use-life and use-stages of fire-cracked rock. We concluded that the industry associated with the procurement and management of fire-cracked rock in the Pacific Northwest required significant quantities of labor and expertise to manage the raw materials and camas roasting byproducts. Recording the technological performance characteristics of fire-cracked rocks, including composition, size, and durability, is a necessary step to interpret and compare fire-cracked rock features at archaeological sites. Title: The Experimental Reduction of Rock in a Camas Oven: Towards an Understanding of the Behavioral Significance of Fire-cracked Rock Author: Wilson, Douglas C., DeLyria, David V. Year: 1999 The selection and management of rock for roasting ovens, hearths, and sweat lodges were not trivial concerns for prehistoric households. The results of replicating a camas roasting oven are used to address the use-life and use-stages of fire-cracked rock. We concluded that the industry associated with the procurement and management of fire-cracked rock in the Pacific Northwest required significant quantities of labor and expertise to manage the raw materials and camas roasting byproducts. Recording the technological performance characteristics of fire-cracked rocks, including composition, size, and durability, is a necessary step to interpret and compare fire-cracked rock features at archaeological sites. Close

• 5. [Article] Building and Maintaining Plankhouses at Two Villages on the Southern Northwest Coast of North America

  Plankhouses were functionally and symbolically integral to Northwest Coast societies, as much of economic and social life was predicated on these dwellings. This thesis investigates both plankhouse architecture ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: Building and Maintaining Plankhouses at Two Villages on the Southern Northwest Coast of North America Author: Shepard, Emily Evelyn Year: 2014 Plankhouses were functionally and symbolically integral to Northwest Coast societies, as much of economic and social life was predicated on these dwellings. This thesis investigates both plankhouse architecture and the production of these dwellings. Studying plankhouse construction and maintenance provides information regarding everyday labor, landscape use outside of villages, organization of complex tasks, and resource management. This thesis investigates three plankhouse structures at two sites, Meier and Cathlapotle, in the Lower Columbia River Region of the southern Northwest Coast of North America. Methods consisted of digitizing over 1,100 architectural features, creating detailed maps of architectural features, and conducting statistical and spatial analysis of these features. I use ethnographies, historical documents, experimental archaeology, and ecological studies to characterize the processes of plankhouse production. This information is combined with excavation data from Cathlapotle and Meier to calculate estimates of material and labor required for plankhouse-related activities. Results of this study support previous inferences regarding house architecture, construction and maintenance at the two sites. Structural elements were frequently replaced, yet overall house appearance changed little over time. Some differences in structural element use and size are noted between the two sites, suggesting that slightly different building techniques may have been employed at the two villages. Although approximate, calculations of raw materials and person days required for various building tasks provide a glimpse of the massive undertaking entailed in constructing and maintaining plankhouses. These data suggest that an enormous amount of trees were required for construction and maintenance over house occupation, approximately 700-1,200 trees at Meier, 900-2,000 trees at Cathlapotle House 1, and 150-400 trees at Cathlapotle House 4. Estimates of minimum person days entailed for tasks related to initial construction range from 1,400-2,800 at Meier, to 2,100-4,500 at Cathlapotle House 1, to 350-700 at Cathlapotle House 4. In highlighting the articulation of plankhouse labor with household reproduction, this thesis demonstrates the important interplay between material outputs, everyday action, and sociopolitical aspects of Northwest Coast society. Title: Building and Maintaining Plankhouses at Two Villages on the Southern Northwest Coast of North America Author: Shepard, Emily Evelyn Year: 2014 Plankhouses were functionally and symbolically integral to Northwest Coast societies, as much of economic and social life was predicated on these dwellings. This thesis investigates both plankhouse architecture and the production of these dwellings. Studying plankhouse construction and maintenance provides information regarding everyday labor, landscape use outside of villages, organization of complex tasks, and resource management. This thesis investigates three plankhouse structures at two sites, Meier and Cathlapotle, in the Lower Columbia River Region of the southern Northwest Coast of North America. Methods consisted of digitizing over 1,100 architectural features, creating detailed maps of architectural features, and conducting statistical and spatial analysis of these features. I use ethnographies, historical documents, experimental archaeology, and ecological studies to characterize the processes of plankhouse production. This information is combined with excavation data from Cathlapotle and Meier to calculate estimates of material and labor required for plankhouse-related activities. Results of this study support previous inferences regarding house architecture, construction and maintenance at the two sites. Structural elements were frequently replaced, yet overall house appearance changed little over time. Some differences in structural element use and size are noted between the two sites, suggesting that slightly different building techniques may have been employed at the two villages. Although approximate, calculations of raw materials and person days required for various building tasks provide a glimpse of the massive undertaking entailed in constructing and maintaining plankhouses. These data suggest that an enormous amount of trees were required for construction and maintenance over house occupation, approximately 700-1,200 trees at Meier, 900-2,000 trees at Cathlapotle House 1, and 150-400 trees at Cathlapotle House 4. Estimates of minimum person days entailed for tasks related to initial construction range from 1,400-2,800 at Meier, to 2,100-4,500 at Cathlapotle House 1, to 350-700 at Cathlapotle House 4. In highlighting the articulation of plankhouse labor with household reproduction, this thesis demonstrates the important interplay between material outputs, everyday action, and sociopolitical aspects of Northwest Coast society. Close

• 6. [Article] The Scale of Pottery manufacture during the Old Kingdom

  The existence of specialized craftsmen — including stonemasons, coppersmiths, carpenters, jewelers and potters — in ancient Egypt arises in part from the general industries spawned from the elaborate monumental ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: The Scale of Pottery manufacture during the Old Kingdom Author: Sterling, Sarah L. Year: 2004 The existence of specialized craftsmen — including stonemasons, coppersmiths, carpenters, jewelers and potters — in ancient Egypt arises in part from the general industries spawned from the elaborate monumental constructions that characterize the Old Kingdom (ca. 2600-2100 BCE). Pottery vessels in particular are one of the most abundant kinds of artifacts known from ancient Egypt, with functions ranging from formal presentation to baking bread, to grains and olive oil storage. While not all pottery is associated with monumental architecture, the emergence of specialized or semi-specialized potters is likely due to the same socioeconomic factors that gave rise to such famous monuments as the pyramids at Giza. As more materials and labor were required to build the necropoli of the Old Kingdom, pottery vessels played a role in tasks ranging from copper smelting to baking. Therefore, the “massproduction” of vessels and by extension the emergence of pottery specialists is to some extent a function of the economics of monumental constructions. The results of this study are consistent with the idea that pottery is produced at the household or possibly nome level rather than being mass-produced at a central location. Individual Old Kingdom locations produce vessels sharing similar general characteristics, but also exhibiting statistically distinct differences that track geographical distance between sites. Sites located closer to each other are typically more similar in vessel measurements. Title: The Scale of Pottery manufacture during the Old Kingdom Author: Sterling, Sarah L. Year: 2004 The existence of specialized craftsmen — including stonemasons, coppersmiths, carpenters, jewelers and potters — in ancient Egypt arises in part from the general industries spawned from the elaborate monumental constructions that characterize the Old Kingdom (ca. 2600-2100 BCE). Pottery vessels in particular are one of the most abundant kinds of artifacts known from ancient Egypt, with functions ranging from formal presentation to baking bread, to grains and olive oil storage. While not all pottery is associated with monumental architecture, the emergence of specialized or semi-specialized potters is likely due to the same socioeconomic factors that gave rise to such famous monuments as the pyramids at Giza. As more materials and labor were required to build the necropoli of the Old Kingdom, pottery vessels played a role in tasks ranging from copper smelting to baking. Therefore, the “massproduction” of vessels and by extension the emergence of pottery specialists is to some extent a function of the economics of monumental constructions. The results of this study are consistent with the idea that pottery is produced at the household or possibly nome level rather than being mass-produced at a central location. Individual Old Kingdom locations produce vessels sharing similar general characteristics, but also exhibiting statistically distinct differences that track geographical distance between sites. Sites located closer to each other are typically more similar in vessel measurements. Close

• 7. [Article] The Spatial Distribution of Tobacco Pipe Fragments at the Hudson's Bay Company Fort Vancouver Village Site: Smoking as a Shared and Social Practice

  This thesis represents one of the first systematic, detailed spatial analyses of artifacts at the mid-19th century Hudson's Bay Company's Fort Vancouver Village site, and of clay tobacco pipe fragments ...

  Citation × Citation Citation Abstract Copy Title: The Spatial Distribution of Tobacco Pipe Fragments at the Hudson's Bay Company Fort Vancouver Village Site: Smoking as a Shared and Social Practice Author: Wynia, Katie Ann Year: 2013 This thesis represents one of the first systematic, detailed spatial analyses of artifacts at the mid-19th century Hudson's Bay Company's Fort Vancouver Village site, and of clay tobacco pipe fragments in general. Historical documents emphasize the multi-cultural nature of the Village, but archaeologically there appears to be little evidence of ethnicity (Kardas 1971; Chance and Chance 1976; Thomas and Hibbs 1984:723). Following recent approaches to cultural interaction in which researchers examined the nuanced uses of material culture (Lightfoot et al 1998; Martindale 2009; Voss 2008); this study analyzed the spatial distribution of tobacco pipe fragments for behavioral information through a practice theory approach (Bourdieu 1977; Ortner 2006). The analysis aimed to determine the role of tobacco smoking in the Village. It evaluated tobacco smoking as a significant and social behavior, the visibility of maintenance behaviors in the clay pipe distributions, and evidence of ethnic variation in tobacco consumption. Spatial patterning characteristics were compiled from the few behavioral studies of clay pipe fragments (Davies 2011; Fox 1998: Hamilton 1990; Hartnett 2004; Hoffman and Ross 1973, 1974; King and Miller 1987), and indications of ethnic specific behaviors from archaeological and historical evidence (Burley et al 1992; Jacobs 1958; Jameson 2007). Distributional maps examined three pipe assemblage characteristics: fragment frequency, use wear fragment frequency, and the bowl to stem fragment ratio, to define smoking locations on the Village landscape. Visibility of maintenance and refuse disposal behaviors in the size distribution of fragments was measured through the Artifact Size Index (ASI) (Bon Harper and McReynolds 2011). This analysis also tested two possible indications of ethnic variation: differential use of stone vs. clay pipes, and consumption rates as reflected through clay pipe assemblages. The commonality of tobacco smoking locations across the landscape suggests a significant, social, and shared practice between households. Analysis of maintenance behaviors and ethnic variation proved inconclusive. This study demonstrates the value of spatially analyzing clay pipe fragment distributions for behavioral information. The insight gained from examining multiple spatial patterns suggests future studies can benefit from analyzing the spatial distribution of diagnostic characteristics of pipes and other artifact types. Title: The Spatial Distribution of Tobacco Pipe Fragments at the Hudson's Bay Company Fort Vancouver Village Site: Smoking as a Shared and Social Practice Author: Wynia, Katie Ann Year: 2013 This thesis represents one of the first systematic, detailed spatial analyses of artifacts at the mid-19th century Hudson's Bay Company's Fort Vancouver Village site, and of clay tobacco pipe fragments in general. Historical documents emphasize the multi-cultural nature of the Village, but archaeologically there appears to be little evidence of ethnicity (Kardas 1971; Chance and Chance 1976; Thomas and Hibbs 1984:723). Following recent approaches to cultural interaction in which researchers examined the nuanced uses of material culture (Lightfoot et al 1998; Martindale 2009; Voss 2008); this study analyzed the spatial distribution of tobacco pipe fragments for behavioral information through a practice theory approach (Bourdieu 1977; Ortner 2006). The analysis aimed to determine the role of tobacco smoking in the Village. It evaluated tobacco smoking as a significant and social behavior, the visibility of maintenance behaviors in the clay pipe distributions, and evidence of ethnic variation in tobacco consumption. Spatial patterning characteristics were compiled from the few behavioral studies of clay pipe fragments (Davies 2011; Fox 1998: Hamilton 1990; Hartnett 2004; Hoffman and Ross 1973, 1974; King and Miller 1987), and indications of ethnic specific behaviors from archaeological and historical evidence (Burley et al 1992; Jacobs 1958; Jameson 2007). Distributional maps examined three pipe assemblage characteristics: fragment frequency, use wear fragment frequency, and the bowl to stem fragment ratio, to define smoking locations on the Village landscape. Visibility of maintenance and refuse disposal behaviors in the size distribution of fragments was measured through the Artifact Size Index (ASI) (Bon Harper and McReynolds 2011). This analysis also tested two possible indications of ethnic variation: differential use of stone vs. clay pipes, and consumption rates as reflected through clay pipe assemblages. The commonality of tobacco smoking locations across the landscape suggests a significant, social, and shared practice between households. Analysis of maintenance behaviors and ethnic variation proved inconclusive. This study demonstrates the value of spatially analyzing clay pipe fragment distributions for behavioral information. The insight gained from examining multiple spatial patterns suggests future studies can benefit from analyzing the spatial distribution of diagnostic characteristics of pipes and other artifact types. Close